tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-10527192123169380182024-03-13T13:05:17.007-07:00x files: soft copy of the hard coverninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.comBlogger93125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-58401150563944601172016-08-13T01:49:00.001-07:002016-08-13T01:49:35.590-07:0016 years have shaped, reshaped Irom Sharmila <div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Back in November 2000 when Irom Sharmila decided to fast for the removal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) from Manipur, she did not get much response. Indeed, she did not move many hearts and minds in her state, let alone the government. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Babloo Loitongbam, a rights activist with whom Sharmila was associated then, didn't take her seriously. But when she began the hunger strike and was detained, Loitongbam ran from pillar to post seeking support and tried to raise Sharmila's cause at various levels. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Sharmila continued her fast. Equally, the state and central governments remained unshaken. Manipur in the 1990s and 2000s, particularly the Imphal Valley, witnessed several protests against AFSPA. This period also saw massive human right abuses by security forces. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Very little was known about Sharmila or her protest outside of Manipur. Year after year, there was no sign of AFSPA being removed or amended. Even the Manipur media had nothing new to write about her. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">On the sixth year of her fast, during a routine release, Sharmila flew to Delhi. As expected, she got national media attention. She became an icon, won global fame for her steadfast resistance. Support and solidarity poured in from India and even outside. Sharmila came to be known as "Iron Lady" or "Icon of democracy". She got many recognitions and awards. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">She was arrested and a case was registered against her in Delhi for attempt to suicide. Sharmila was sent back to Imphal within a year, probably due to the massive national and international attention and civil society support. She was acquitted by a Delhi court in June this year. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Over the years, Sharmila has grown from an unassuming, shy young woman. I have closely interacted with her in Delhi. She is well informed and well read. In the years of fasting, she studied, contextualized, internalized and sharpened her thoughts. In detention, she got newspapers and books to read. She also received letters and gifts and was in touch with her fans. In recent years, she was allowed visitors including media persons. In the meantime, Sharmila fell in love. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">All this has made Sharmila, remade her, shaped her, re-shaped her. She has also become fiercely outspoken and opinionated. She would update herself about current affairs, particularly AFSPA, Manipur politics and more. She openly talks about love, about her fiancé, which she was unlikely to do 10 years ago. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Sharmila has said she was never consulted or updated about the court proceedings and cases. She told me she never gets to see or get a copy of the court proceedings. In a Delhi court, she stood her ground: she did not intend to kill herself but was protesting against AFSPA. She was ready to end her fast if AFSPA was repealed. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Last year, during one of her periodic releases, Sharmila moved around Imphal. People gathered to see her but not to Sharmila's expectations. She said then: "I think these people turn up just to look at me, as if I am some alien. They seem to be surprised to see me." </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Her fast is an individual decision but Sharmila is a product of a collective psyche. In a land with a history of "women's war" against colonial rule, Sharmila's sub-conscious mind cannot be un-inspired and un-influenced. Her decision now, to end her hunger strike, too is a decision shaped by the twists and turns of events over all these years. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">It cannot be said that Sharmila's hunger strike has failed. AFSPA has been removed from seven municipal constituencies in the valley districts in Manipur. In recent years, violence has also come down considerably. Though it cannot be attributed to an individual, the collective voice comprises individuals such as this Iron Lady. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "open sans" , "georgia" , "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">IANS August 9, 2016</span><br />
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-83833402188140614512016-06-12T01:17:00.002-07:002016-06-12T01:17:45.211-07:00Giving words and voice to Mizo women<span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Broken? She was lacerated, ripped apart. A fiend in human body did it in revolting lust. When the thirteen year old did not come back from the tuikhur where she had gone to fetch water, her worried mother took a couple of neighbours with her and went in search of her daughter. They found her unconscious, her dress torn and soaked with urine and blood, in the bushes. In the hospital, after she regained consciousness, a nurse stitched her up. Without anaesthesia. How she screamed! The needle pierced her again and again. Stinging pain upon pain.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">And the dirt, the dirt! How she wanted to wash herself clean, to be immersed in a flowing river! But there was no such river within reach. All she could get was a few mugs of water for a bath. She loathed her defiled body like a rotten carcass. In sleep, she dreamt of a brook running down a hill. She ran to it, hoping for a dip in its clear, clean water. But when she reached there, she saw only muddy, filthy water.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Within a day, the buoyant, rather boisterous young girl had turned into a weepy, terrified wreck. … As time passed, the wounds on her body healed, leaving scars. But her wounded psyche festered. </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">—Excerpted from 'Zorami' </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Fear, pain, resentment, acute loss… these emotions have marred the everyday existence of generations of Mizo people, who have lived through turbulent years of Insurgency, the impacts of which are fresh in their memory even today. Writer and poet Malsawmi Jacob is one of them and her most recent book, 'Zorami', the first ever English language novel penned by a Mizo author, tells the story of a young woman and the influences of the political unrest in her life. At the same time, it vividly describes the culture and ethos prevalent in Mizoram.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Jacob spent a few years of her childhood in the state during which she imbibed an undying love for the language, literature and local legends. For her higher studies she shifted base to Shillong, the capital of Meghalaya, where she did her Masters in English. Thereafter, she went on to do her PG Diploma in teaching English in Hyderabad. Since then she has lived and worked in various cities across the country - the Aizawl College in Mizoram, SPARROW, an archive of Indian women's history in Mumbai, Maharashtra, and St. Claret College, Bengaluru, Karnataka. On the sidelines of her career as a researcher and teacher, Jacob, who now stays in Bengaluru, has been religiously documenting the socio-political developments happening in her home state as well as the larger north-east region through her books as well as articles in newspapers such as 'The Assam Tribune', 'The Telegraph', 'Newslink' and 'The Northeast Frontier'. </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">The recently-published 'Zorami' is Jacob's seventh book. Her previous works include collections of poems, short stories, children's stories, and non-fiction narratives; she has also contributed poems and articles to four anthologies. Most of these are self published with some financial assistance from the state government of Mizoram. Although she reveals that has never consciously focused on articulating "women's issues", since women are central to Mizo society they inadvertently play a significant part in her stories. </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Talking specifically about the status of women in the state, Jacob says, "Mizo society is deeply patriarchal. Though women are highly visible in the work sphere - they do step out of their home to make a living - they are deliberately kept out of social and political decision making." Sharing an example of this exclusion, something she has "tried to reflect in 'Zorami'", she reveals that during the Mizo fight for independence girls had actively joined and contributed to the "movement", albeit in smaller numbers. Yet, for "no particular reason" they haven't been able to make their presence felt in the corridors of power - Mizoram got statehood in 1986, but has since elected only two women to its legislature. Incidentally, despite 91.33 per cent literacy (2011 Census), the state's only female minister so far has been Lalhlimpui, who was elected to the assembly in 1987 and became a member of the cabinet of Chief Minister Laldenga, a former rebel leader. Since Lalhlimpui there was a 27-year drought, which was broken in 2014, when 35-year-old C. Lalawmpuii won the Hrangturzo assembly by-election. With decision making powers, both within the family and in the larger social context, vested firmly in the hands of their men, the only real avenue available to Mizo women to express themselves and excel has been education. </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">In some way or another Jacob has been addressing this compromised social situation for years. "While I was freelancing with newspapers and magazines, I wrote extensively about the society's attitude and treatment of women. I have also been writing a great deal on militancy - my articles are mostly a call for justice and non-violence," she elaborates. </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Even as the body of her literary work had been in Mizo, Jacob was keen on penning something in English in order to reach out to a larger readership, one that had had no opportunity to experience Mizo culture and learn about the milieu. That's how she embarked upon 'Zorami'. "By some strange twist of fate, this novel actually came to me in English. Perhaps because I wanted to tell this story to people outside our state; in a sense, I wanted to make the Mizo voice heard across the country and the world," she remarks. Presently, the book is available in Europe, USA, Australia and several Asian countries. "It's not been easy to market it so far but I am optimistic; the response has been limited because I'm still practically an unknown author outside of my region," she reasons.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Of course, 'Zorami' has been one of the most painful stories she has given words to, one that took her nearly a decade to pen. The reason: she would simply go "numb with pain" listening to the recorded interviews of the people who had lived through the most traumatic period in Mizo history, on which the narrative is based. Jacob has drawn on the Insurgency years of the Sixties, when the Mizo Liberation Front (MLF) was at its peak, to tell the story of young Zorami. Coming of age the same time as the political unrest and struggle for independence gathers momentum, the young girl's life and experiences reflect those of her people, land and culture. </span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Jacob recalls, "In 2004, I had travelled to Mizoram to do research for the novel. I had met several people and recorded their reflections on tape. But later when I started to write I could only manage to do a few chapters. It was just too painful. It was finally in 2013 that my publisher, Morph Books, and my editor were able to motivate me to finish the manuscript."</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">Like most Mizo people for Jacob, too, the "movement" and the many stories connected with it are like "folklore". "The story of Mizo people, especially what they went through during those turbulent times, is important. I used to wonder how they were dealing with the psychological trauma of the time even though 'political peace' had returned. After listening to many people, I realised that the emotional wounds had not healed. So the novel is a quest for inner healing," she states.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">There are no easy answers to "how the Mizo people can emerge from the shadow of the Insurgency years". Maybe widespread economic progress would fade away those uncomfortable feelings. "But it is not enough. Inner healing has to come at a personal level. Perhaps a divine intervention would make a difference, like in Zorami's story," she says. For Jacob, 'Zorami' has been a complicated "personal and political journey". And just like her people, she is trying to move on.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: justify;">— (Women's Feature Service) JUNE 2016</span><br />
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Over the past few days, Manipur chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh had been shuttling between Imphal and New Delhi after being summoned by Congress chief Sonia Gandhi following dissidents’ demands for reshuffling the ministry and “one-man one-post” formula and also accusation of “non-performance”. </div>
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In the 2012 assembly poll, the Congress won 47 of the 60 seats — a record of sorts — but it also posed a serious problem for Ibobi in the sense he was unable to keep the flock in good humour by giving each and everyone a ministerial berth as he had to strictly adhere to the Tenth Schedule which is against the formation of a jumbo ministry. </div>
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With just 10 months left for the next assembly elections in Manipur, the Congress high command has to act fast to bring about some semblance of cohesion in its state unit. Home minister Gaikhangam appears to be the dissidents’ main target. Apart from being deputy chief minister, he is also president of the state Congress committee (as this is written, TN Haokip has been appointed the new Pradesh committee chief). They hold him responsible for Congress candidates’ humiliating defeat in last November’s by-elections to the Thongju assembly constituency and Thangmeiband AC. They lost to the BJP with huge margins. </div>
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Ibobi has often complained that the Centre has never consuted him vis-a-vis the Naga peace talks. But the dissidents have alleged that his right-hand man, Gaikhangam, has supported the NSCN(IM)’s demand for a greater Nagaland which, in other words, means the integration of all Naga-inhabited areas of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur.</div>
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Surprisingly, the state BJP president Th Chaoba has reportedly told the local media that most Congress dissidents were keen to join him.</div>
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The Centre is keeping a close watch on developments in the hills, particularly in Churachandpur where, in September last year, nine persons lost their lives in clashes after the state assembly in a special session on 30 August passed three controversial bills without a debate. Significantly, these bodies are still lying in morgues. The state BJP is maintainng a studied silence over the incident. </div>
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There have not been any major dissidents or desertion from/by Congress members in the past.</div>
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The Congress has been in power for three consecutive terms and there had been no reports of rumblings in all these years. The assembly has 20 members from the hills — 16 of them from the Congress and four from the Naga People’s Front. The latter are facing a “social boycott” by the public for not being able to speak against the bills. In fact, the Joint Action Committee against the Bills has asked all the 20 tribal MLAs to “step down”. But none has obliged so far. On 10 March, the JAC said in a statement that these MLAS would be barred from setting foot on tribal territories and would not be invited to public functions/ceremonies, particularly the six MLAs from Churachandpur district. Now Ibobi has four tribal ministers in his ministry. </div>
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The All Tribal Students’ Union Manipur had also appealed, on 30 August 2015, to all tribal MLAs to abstain from the special session of the state assembly at the time of passing the three bills, which, they said, went against the tribals.</div>
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The only alternative to silence the dissidents before the assembly election is to reshuffle the cabinet. But this is unlikely to go in favour of the Congress, as this will come a little too late.The dissidents’ move, too, is questionable, as it comes almost at the fag end of their tenure and with seemingly vague allegations. One thing is clear, the dissidents were not rebelling against Ibobi rule but are basically demanding “ministerial berths”. </div>
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Their move is unlikely to bring in any major reshuffle though latest reports speak of the high command having given Ibobi permission to this effect. In case of any change in the ministry, it would not affect the next election either — in terms of giving the Congress a major boost. In any case, with or without dissidents, the Congress is losing popularity in Manipur, particularly in the tribal hill areas.</div>
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<strong>The writer is a freelance contributor based in Delhi.</strong></div>
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Read more at http://www.thestatesman.com/news/north-east-page/the-only-alternative/134209.html#BBqFQLEOWRkAASEe.99</div>
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</span>ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-73369782630213699712016-03-12T01:25:00.001-08:002016-03-12T01:35:39.912-08:00Dissidents but not dissenting the Congress rule in Manipur<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">With less than ten (10) months for the next assembly election, dissidents in the Manipur State Legislative Assembly have surfaced or rather come out in the open with Congress president Sonia Gandhi summoning Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh to New Delhi for discussions.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Reportedly the dissidents, about ten of them have been demanding reshuffle and be inducted into the council of ministers in the current Congress led government in Manipur.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">In the 2012 assembly polls the Congress won a whopping 47 seats out of the total of 60. These is a major victory but have also been a tough task for the State Congress leadership to make all the Congress elected legislators happy. This also have left the state assembly with literally no opposition in the bench, which is a mere 13 members that too from different political party the AITC, NPF , BJP , NCP and JP.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">As far as the State Congress party is concerned in Manipur, there have not been any major dissidents or desertion from/by congress members. The party has been in power for three consecutive terms as well. The party have also been having a smooth and comfortable rule for decades, as the state not only saw the last 15 years of congress rule under Ibobi Singh but in the past too, ever since its statehood.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">For the last 40 years, Manipur saw very few government led by non INC . The Manipur Peoples Party in 1972 when the Manipur was granted statehood. Other party includes Janata Party in 1977, The Manipur State Congress Party in 1997 and Samata Party in 2001. These parties though do not last for more than a year or one term.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Presently, the tribal hill legislators, a total of 20 members in the state assembly have been boycotted by the various civil society organizations. In the aftermath of the violent uprising against the passing of the three controversial Bills in the state assembly in August 2015, where in 9 people have been killed and the protest still continuing. The 20 MLA – 16 of them from INC and 4 from NPF, have been facing “social boycott” by the public at large.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Recently, the Joint Action Committee – JAC Against the three Bills has reiterated their stand in the “social boycott” particularly MLAs from Churachandpur district, that has a total of 6 Congress Legislator. The committee strongly came out with a statement on March 10, stating that these MLAs shall not be allowed to set foot on tribal territories and not be given any platform in public functions and ceremonies. Earlier the JAC has also publicly declared Boycott in September 2015, soon after the public uprising against the three Bills.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">It may be also recalled that All tribal Students Union Manipur had made an appeal on August 30, 2015 to all tribal MLAs to abstain from the special session of the Manipur State Assembly wherein the three bills viz, the Protection of Manipur Peoples’ Bill, 2015; The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (seventh amendment) Bill, 2015 were intended to be passed, however, the appeal has gone unheeded.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">It may be mentioned that there are four tribal Ministers in Ibobi’s cabinet, currently. Further all the 20 tribal MLAs including the minister have been asked to “step down “by the JAC last year. Of which none of them have so far been reported to officially resign.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">It is believed that the said call for social boycott and demand for resignation of the tribal MLAs have also reached the congress high command in New Delhi. Though this may not be in written, as the MLAs have been requested to resign on “moral grounds” the Congress high command is expected to have information about the ongoing situation as far as the Congress led government in Manipur is concerned. Whether there have been a serious considerations on the matter by the high command is all together another matter and remains to be seen.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Meanwhile, the BJP and the ruling NDA government is believed to have been keeping a close watch on the developments in the hills, particularly situation in Churachandpur with the ongoing protest and nine bodies still lying unburied since September last year. But until now, as far as the state BJP is concerned with its own internal crisis in leadership have been unable to do much, neither in tackling the issue confronting the state nor questioning the state assembly over the impasse in the on-going protest against the three Bills.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">BJP Manipur president Th.Chaoba have also been exposed of siphoning funds during the general election in 2014 ( The Statesman September 22, 2014) . The amount reportedly ran into lakhs of rupees.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">In its attempt to take the current churning inside the state ruling congress party, now the state BJP chief claims that the dissident Congress legislators have been lining up to get admission into his party. This is unlikely, though few of the dissident may have been considering hopping on to another party or to the BJP, most of the legislators are known to be strong Congress loyalist.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Earlier, after formation of the new government in 2012 reportedly CM Ibobi had told the INC elected MLAs that given the large number of members elected from the INC, his ministry would be reshuffled and that a rotational shift would be considered in the cabinet ministers. This never happened.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Pulling up the state Chief Minister at a time when election is in the near maybe a good move by the Congress high command. But this might not go in favor of the Congress, as the move comes in a little too late, while the dissident’s move too is questionable as it comes in after their term is almost over. A change in the minister berth too would not make much of a difference either, with less than a year in hand before the state goes to polls.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">All in all, the entire dissident’s move is unlikely to bring in any major reshuffle. In case of any change in the ministry, it would not affect the next election either – in terms of giving congress a major boost, which is in any case, with or without dissidents among the legislators, the Congress is losing out popularity , particularly in the hill areas.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">With polls ahead, the dissidents, if serious could have deserted the party on their own. Even as many of the MLAs, the 20 tribal MLAs to be specific, have already face the wrath of the general public, will the Congress party high command’s intervention in terms of a mere re-shuffle in the state government be of any impact and save the face of the congress in Manipur remains to be seen in the coming election next year.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "roboto";"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 26px;">Link - http://thenortheasttoday.com/dissidents-but-not-dissenting-the-congress-rule-in-manipur/</span></span><br />
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-42188136984272628142016-02-28T04:51:00.002-08:002016-02-28T04:51:36.774-08:00Easterine's Writings From The Heart<div style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: arial; text-align: justify;">
Stories and storytelling have been the constants in Easterine Kire’s life. This award-winning poet, novelist and children’s book writer from Nagaland, who, incidentally, is the first Naga novelist to write in English, grew up on a staple of folktales related by her grandparents and it is these early storytelling sessions that inspired her to write some of her own. Like most of her contemporaries Kire spent her adolescent years living in the shadow of violence with the Naga movement at its peak in those days. As gun battles, midnight ambushes and mindless aggression became part of everyday life she took to writing to escape the hostile atmosphere. From the time she published her first book in 1982, a collection of poems called Kelhoukevira, today, Kire has written around 25 books on a variety of subjects, from historical accounts to contemporary politics and women’s issues. Of course, the underlying tone of her works is always optimistic and hopeful because even though significant changes have been taking place within the Naga society for generations now, according to her, it’s only by focusing on the positives that “we can move forward”.</div>
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“I have always liked to read and write since my school days. I even won prizes for creative writing in school and college and that only motivated me to continue to nurture my passion. Although I grew up on Naga folk stories I went on to read the works of different authors. Stories by Moris Farhi, Ben Okri and Hugh MacLellan are among my favourites and I absolutely love the poems of Swedish novelist and poet Karin Boye,” says the woman whose novel, ‘When the River Sleeps’, won The Hindu Prize, 2015, recently.</div>
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A Ph.D in Literature, Kire worked at Nagaland’s Directorate of Information and Publicity and then went on to teach first at Kohima College and later at the North Eastern Hill University. While her first published work was a poetry compendium her maiden English novel was ‘A Naga Village Remembered’, a historical narrative woven around the factual story of the Battle of Khonoma, the last clash between the Naga people and the British colonisers in 1879. The novel narrates the story of a small village’s resistance against the invading British Army. “Like many of my writings this one is also rooted in the history of the Nagas. The story presents the cultural, social and political picture of the Angami villages of that time. In spite of early contact with the British, this village is conscious of preserving its heritage, especially the Morungs and monoliths. And except for the tin roofs and few brick houses, Khonoma is an idealistic and typical Naga hamlet,” shares Kire, whose writings have been translated into German, Croatian, Uzbek, Norwegian and Nepali. In fact, she has translated a number of poems and stories from English to Nagamese.</div>
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There is a clear positive and progressive thought that emerges from all her works. She explains, “Each story of mine is different; so each message is different, too. However, I always try to give my readers something positive to hold on to. I particularly like to write stories for children and the response I have received from the local kids is encouraging. I write from my heart; whatever is in my heart at that moment is reflected on paper.”</div>
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Naturally, the issues, concerns and lived realities of women, too, are subjects close to Kire’s heart. In 2007, she wrote ‘A Terrible Matriarchy’, a tale set 50 years in history and reflecting the ideal, value systems and attitudes of those times. Dielieno, an angami girl, is the central character and the plot traces her life from when she is five years old to when she turns 23. However, it’s not just about one character’s trajectory but closely looks at three generations of Naga women – Dielieno’s grandmother and mother figure prominently. Kire elaborates, “The story is set in a time of rapid social change, the Nagaland of 1960s in particular and the region of north east in general. The three women’s lives intertwine intimately and contrarily, defining them as individuals and portraying their generational differences.”</div>
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To Kire, ‘A Terrible Matriarchy’ clearly expresses “a purposeful desire to change the way things have been for women even as it talks about the changes that have taken place through the generational shifts”. She says, “Naga women today are far better off than their counterparts 50 years ago. But more and better changes are still to come. Being a woman writer, whose publisher, editor and agents over the years have been all women, has put me in a unique position to project the realities of my sex freely and fairly.”</div>
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As she likes to dwell on the positives in her writings, Kire happily observes that in societies in the Northeast and Nagaland specifically, women have had the opportunity to take on a progressive, prominent role. Even as the traditional Naga society follows a patriarchal system “historically women have always been respected,” she states, adding, “Today there are educated and successful women in every field. Indeed, literary pursuits have become a popular vocation among women as well. Female writers are being recognised within the state and even outside as they write about situations that most regular readers are facing day-in-and-day-out. Their writings are easily identifiable and make for interesting reading so now more than ever people are eager to pick up books on the Nagas. The North East has some fine women writers and I enjoy their work, whether it is poetry or prose. They write with delicacy and their work will go very far in the future.”</div>
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For the present, Kire is enjoying the attention that is coming her way thanks to the prize-winning ‘When the River Sleeps’. The story of a lone hunter looking for a faraway river to get his hands on a stone that will give him untold powers has found many new readers, especially among the non Nagas. “This book is the exploration of the Naga spiritual universe, a very personal journey. It’s all about my roots, identity and the belief system I have grown up with and I am glad that it has resonated with a larger audience,” she concludes. </div>
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February 24, 2016 </div>
ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-28874769728794628692015-11-28T00:11:00.002-08:002015-11-28T00:12:02.194-08:00“Centre’s intervention constitutional, legitimate and mandatory” - Manipur Tribals in Delhi<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; font-family: Roboto; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Beginning from November 4, every afternoon, tribal youths from Manipur who are residing in the national capital, Delhi gathered at Jantar Mantar. The youths, numbering around a hundred are holding a peaceful demonstration along with a symbolic coffin of the nine “martyrs”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The said nine dead bodies are still lying in the hospital morgue in Churachandpur, Manipur. The nine people, including an eleven-year-old school boy, succumb to injuries when security forces fired upon the public, as protest erupted after the passing of the three controversial bills in the State Assembly on August 31. The violent protest that ensued for about 3 days saw the residence of 6 tribal legislators including a parliamentarian burnt by the protesters, beside destruction of vehicles and other government buildings.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Protest demand for withdrawal of the said three bills has entered more than 60 days. The bills include; The Protection of Manipur People’s Bill 2015; The Manipur Shops and Establishment (2<sup style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">nd</sup> Amendment)Bill 2015; and The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (7<sup style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> Amendment ) Bill 2015.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">While continuous public protests, rallies, sit-in demonstration against the said bills are held in Lamka, the headquarter town of Churachandpur district, support and solidarity came from all the other tribal districts in Manipur; Chandel, Senapati, Tamenlong, Ukhrul. Public protests too were held in New Delhi.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The tribal hill areas in Manipur have been, for long, witness to several unrest, from violent militant movements to statehood demands, more autonomy for tribal areas and other developmental grievances including students’ demand for better education system and tribal scholarships.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Ironically, the tribals in Manipur never took out rally or other forms of protest in the state capital, Imphal. Most of the protest, if not all, was either in the form of bandhs in the hill areas and national highways or economic blockade. This time too in the current protest against the three bills, dharnas and rallies concentrated in the epicenter in Lamka, Churachandpur district, with solidarity and support in other four tribal districts. But no forms of protest were seen in the capital Imphal that has witnessed numerous public protests by valley based organizations. Much as it is an issue that concern tribals and tribal areas, the protest too was directed on the tribal legislators alone. There are 20 tribal MLAs out of the total 60.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Hesitantly, Sam Ngaihte, one of the demonstrators at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi said that holding a protest against the three Bills in Imphal “may create communal tension”. Ngaihte agrees that the grievance is against the state Government, “but there is possibility of the protest taking a different turn,” he said cautiously.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">A member of the Manipur Tribal Forum Delhi, Lapakchui Siro, candidly said that one of the reasons for the tribals not holding rally or protest in the state capital is the fear of police retaliation, which he said is obvious. “There is no guarantee for the security of tribal protesters in the state capital,” he said. Recalling several instances, Siro further mentioned that any matter concerning the tribal hill areas none of the valley based CSOs or Human Rights organization have spoken out. Even as protest against the three bills continues in Churachandpur and other tribal areas, Siro says, “Valley-based CSOs in collusion with the State government have the audacity to request the President to give his assent to the three bills”. He asked, “In such a situation, how can you expect the tribals to hold a rally or a protest in Imphal?”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In the present demand for withdrawal of the three bills, the Delhi-based Manipur Tribal Forum have been spearheading the protest in the capital. Citing article 371 (C), Romeo Hmar, Convener of the forum, reasoned that the President must and should intervene, as far as the tribal areas in Manipur is concerned. He said that as per the stated article under the Indian Constitution, through the Governor, the President should take the final call in matters concerning the administration of tribal areas in Manipur. This, he said, is the reason why Tribals called upon the President and the Union Government, which he said is legitimate, constitutional and mandatory. As such, the Tribals has been coming out in the capital to pressure the center.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The Tribal Forum is a conglomeration of various individuals and student based organization. The forum presently has a support of over 24 Delhi-based, Manipur tribal student organizations. The Forum is demanding for political solution, a separate administration for the Tribals in the hills of Manipur.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Each day, Tribe based student organizations took turns to mobilize demonstrators. The event would saw the youths with songs, deliberations, interactions and would end with a prayer and candle light for the dead persons. The key student bodies includes, The Naga Student Union, Hmar Student Association, The Zomi Student Federation, Siamsinpawlpi , Zillai, Gangte Student Association and others. Tribe based welfare associations and philanthropic organizations also took part in the demonstration.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Memorandums after memorandums have been submitted to the centre government and concern ministries. Until now, there is no concrete step or move to take up the matter by the center, but the youth demonstrators were unlikely to give up. Convener of the Tribal Forum, Romeo Hmar, asserted, “Until the Center listens we are not calling off the protest demonstration.” The Forum convener though is open for dialogue. In fact, he stated that the Tribal Forum had been suggesting that a dialogue be initiated with the Tribal leaders, the Center Government and the State Government, a ‘Tripartite talk’ which he said the Manipur Government had refused.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">As it stands, the youths are adamant, and are asserting their stand for a “separate administration” for the tribal hill areas. The patience though seems to thin out as Hmar puts it “we can’t say how long this peaceful demonstration will continue”. Speaking of how the tribal hill areas have been neglected, undeveloped for years and that demand and voices are not being heard, he said “As of now, we are taking out democratic forms of protest, but we are ready for any other forms, if required,” said Hmar indicating that the youths may resort to take other means. This is not unlikely, if the impasse continues.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">- The Northeast Today TNT , 9 November 2015</span></div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-3616685391782205452015-11-28T00:04:00.001-08:002015-11-28T00:06:49.618-08:00Phum Shang: a documentary film on life in Manipur’s Loktak Lake<div style="background-color: white; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #444444; font-family: Roboto; font-size: 14px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 20px; padding: 0px;">
A 52-minute documentary film <strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum Shang</strong> by Haobam Paban Kumar, touchingly captures people being uprooted from their “way of life” in Loktak Lake and its adjoining areas in south west, Manipur. The film is nominated for Leipzig Ring Award 2015 and is currently in competition at the 34<sup style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> Jean Rouch International Film Festival in Paris, India Week- Hamburg, and 10<sup style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> Film South Asia in Nepal, among others.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum Shang</strong>, literally meaning <strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum – Floating Bio Mass</strong> and <strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Shang – Hut /Inn</strong> received the Cinema of Resistance Award at the 9<sup style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">th</sup> SIGNS Film Festival Kerala 2015 and First Bala Kailasam Memorial Award 2015 in Chennai, The Silver Lotus for the Best Investigative Film at the 62<sup style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">nd</sup> National Film Awards 2014.</div>
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The film, set in picturesque Loktak Lake , an unique freshwater water body, tells the tale of the traditional fishing community inhabiting the lake and has lived for centuries on the floating Phumdis ( bio mass). The lake and its natural resources were their main source of sustenance and life.</div>
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Of late, this idyllic lake, known world-wide for its captivating beauty, scientific and environmental significance and the pride of the state of Manipur is no longer what it appears to the outside world, the tourist or the researchers. Most importantly to its own inhabitants, the lake dwellers for whom it is not only a mere livelihood but identity, tradition and most of all their way of life weaved around this very lake. Many of Manipur’s folk-lores , tales, history revolves and evolved around this lake.</div>
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A senior journalist, Salam Rajesh, an environmentalist who has written extensively on environment and has been observing developments in the state closely, takes you to the lake where he often visits for his research. But sadly he could not find his acquaintance and those similar faces whom he often had conversations and chats, when he came back for this film (Phum Shang) in 2011.</div>
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As he manages to meet some of the fishermen in the lake, the journalist came to realized that his “friends and their families” were among those who had left the area and had settled somewhere in the nearby hamlets and villages. Those he met here in the lake presently as shown in the documentary film were those who were fortunately left by the “Machine” – The huge hydraulic excavator that came along with Officials for eviction. Though devastated some of them re-built temporary make shift huts and asserted they are not going to leave the Phumdis.</div>
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Until the commissioning of the Loktak Project in 1983, the lake dwellers had a life of their own, non interference and un-interrupted. From morning till dusk, they would go out and fish and brought their catch to the city market. This is their everyday life.</div>
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From mid 2006 on-wards, this daily chores was interrupted by what this simple fishermen/women called “The Machine” – that would frequently come towards their huts to crush them down. The Lake dwellers also had to frequently encounter unwelcomed visitors whom they simply termed “They”– the officials who would come and order them to leave their huts. Many of the huts and settlements were raged down and burnt into ashes, which was also shown in the film.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum Shang</strong> also documents and captures how the fishermen and women resisted the eviction drive. Fiercely protective of their dwelling huts and the lake, these fishing communities were up in arms against the ‘Machine’ and “Them”. Their anger, fears and apprehensions were captured in the film, presenting the plights of the Loktak Lake dwellers, their stands, genuine grievances and arguments in their own words.</div>
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Not merely a documentary of people living in the periphery, <strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum – Shang</strong> also brings out the complex web of development vis a vis mega projects, urbanization and its impacts. The film also captures how ‘development’ has been perceived by the state ( or few in the establishments) and how people in the periphery were at the receiving end of policies and development projects.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum Shang</strong> is a classic case of impact of mega development in Manipur, across India and elsewhere. The story provides a case in point of how mega projects have displaced thousands and uprooted them from their livelihood, identity and dignity. The larger context of the degrading environment and eco system was also captured in the film. Meanwhile, several fowls and other animals have also have been reported to have disappeared from the Lake. Moreover, Loktak Lake is the only natural habitat of Sangai (rucervus eldii eldii ) the endemic, rare and endangered deer species which is on the verged of extinction.</div>
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While many of the<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"> Phum</strong> dwellers in Loktak Lake have escaped for fear of their lives after their house were pulled down, burnt or destroyed, many families still stay put and are adamant. That they would not leave their huts nor the lake, which are not only a home or a livelihood but a tradition and belief too.</div>
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Many a times the Machine would come aggressively right into their huts, many a times the lake dwellers could wade off the ‘Big thing’. As it stands, presently the lake is seemingly quiet and silent, but everyone including the viewers of <strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum Shang</strong> knows “they” will come back any time with the “machine”.</div>
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Uncertainty, uneasiness looms large over the idyllic Loktak Lake ; shown quite evidently in <strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum Shang.</strong>The film brings the viewer into a deeper questioning of development paradigm and perspectives.</div>
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Even as the natural resources, the bio diversity and eco system of the of / in Loktak is fast degrading, and the blame being place upon the natural inhabitants. The question, as the Phum Shang shows the Dwellers asking “ are we, who has been living in this lake for centuries, encroachers of Loktak Lake , as per the Loktak Protection Act 2006 “? Are these fishing community too on their way to disappear from the lake ?</div>
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As the<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"> Phum</strong> dwellers takes the matter to the court it only remain to seen on how the law will take its course in this complex case. Many questions linger and perhaps many will remain un-answered.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"> </strong>The 1st Bala Kailasam Memorial Award has rightly awarded <strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Phum Shang </strong>for innovative use of media towards social cause. Beside film lovers, it is a must see for concern citizens, researchers and most importantly policy framers and the state agencies.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><i>Haobam Paban Kumar studied filmmaking at Satyajit Ray Film and Television Institute Kolkata. His films that have made to festivals international events and have won several recognitions including the FIPRESCI prize at Mumbai International Film Festival 2006. He was one of the six emerging talents to represent India at Cannes film Festival 2011 supported by National Film Development Corporation India. Haobam stays in Manipur and makes film about Manipur.</i></strong><br />
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<span style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"><i style="font-weight: bold;"> </i>The Northeast Today - TNT </span><br />
<span style="border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">4 November 2015</span><br />
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-37634194286109291992015-10-15T01:59:00.002-07:002015-10-15T01:59:38.618-07:00Manipur's woes find no echoes in Delhi<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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More than a month has passed since the public uprising and subsequent agitation in Churachandpur district of Manipur after three controversial bills were passed by the state government on August 31. The three bills are the Protection of Manipur People's Bill 2015, the Manipur Shops and Establishment (Second Amendment) Bill 2015, and the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill 2015.</div>
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The contention and huge uproar over the three bills were echoed in all the five tribal hill districts in the state - Churachandpur, Chandel, Tamenglong, Senapati and Ukhrul.</div>
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Significantly, the tribal people asserted that the undemocratic passing of the three bills impinged upon their basic constitutional rights under Article 371C of the Indian Constitution, wherein administration of the hill areas lies with the president and that executive powers of the union is extended to the said areas.</div>
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Moreover, the newly introduced Protection of Manipur People's Bill 2015 strictly limits its "citizenship" to the census report of 1951 and categorically termed "people" who are recorded in the 1951 census as "natives".</div>
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This has caused a deep resentment among the tribal people in the hills. According to the cut-off year, many would be left out of the "native list". Given the geo-physical and developmental challenges, where the remote tribal areas are isolated, it is a well known fact that the census record cannot and will not give accurate data. It is of utmost importance to also underline here that after more than 60 years of India's independence, India is yet to ascertain and draw its International boundary lines in the northeastern sector. The 35-km stretch of international border in the Manipur sector is yet to be demarcated on the ground.</div>
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The state assembly passed the said bills without any debate or opposition in the assembly. In fact, there is no opposition party in the Manipur state assembly. Out of the 60 legislative members, 40 are from the Congress, while 20 are from regional parties or state parties such as All India Trinamool Congress, Manipur State Congress party and Naga People's Front.</div>
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Even the exclusive Hill Areas Committee, consisting of the tribal legislative members, was reportedly a silent spectator to the passing of the bills. Their silence was interpreted as "acceptance" by the ruling government and supported by the "majority" non-tribal valley dwellers. The tribal people interpreted this as "incompetence" and "dysfunctional" and directed their anger against the tribal elected representatives, subsequently burning down their residences and socially boycotting the 20-odd tribal MLAs.</div>
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Much as it is geo-physically comprising the Imphal valley and hills and socio-culturally inhabited by tribals and non-tribals, the state of Manipur has been administered separately. Historically, the valley administration has never been extended to the tribal hill areas even during the British colonial rule before 1947. This continued even after independence and statehood. While the tribal village chiefs governed and administered the hill areas in pre-Independence era, in the post-statehood and India's independence time the hill areas were administered under Article 371C of the Indian Constitution.</div>
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As rightly contended by the tribal people, census record(s) cannot be "proof of citizenship or nativity" as the tribal people owe their allegiance and citizenship to their village chiefs.</div>
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The random, umbrella bills for the entire state is a grave mistake on the part of the state legislators in a state as diverse as Manipur. More importantly, in a state that has seen and witnessed numerous violent militant movements and conflicts, such an act of apathy and arrogance on the part of the ruling state government indeed is a dangerous trend given the sensitivity of the issue.</div>
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Including state Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh, none of the state legislators has so far visited the district. The only gesture is a meeting called by the chief minister with representatives of the agitators, which is too little too late. Though the 20 tribal legislators have been consistently saying that they would resign, none of them has officially offered their resignation.</div>
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Till today, groups of young people were running amok, destroying vehicles and burning houses. As recently as on October 13 midnight, a school building was burned down in Lamka by a group of angry youths.</div>
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As it stands, the bodies of the nine people who died in the violence following the passing of the bills are still lying unclaimed in the hospital morgue. Curfews are imposed at any time by any group. Reportedly, the police depend upon the intervention of the womenfolk to control the situation or any incident that arises. There is literally no "public administration".</div>
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The tribal hill district of Churachandpur is way too far away from New Delhi and the noise of its inhabitants seems to fall on deaf ears.</div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.04px; line-height: 22.464px;">IANS -- </span><span style="font-size: 14.04px; line-height: 22.464px;">October 15,2015</span></div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-4078063345433084182015-10-04T07:53:00.004-07:002016-02-28T04:51:55.156-08:00Manipur Tribal women want political solution<div style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: arial; text-align: justify;">
The northeastern state of Manipur is going through another dire phase – and once again it’s women to the rescue. Ever since the state passed three controversial bills, one among them a land revenue and land reforms bill, clashes between the tribal youth and security forces have become an everyday occurrence. The public uproar ensued right after the legislative assembly passed the three bills – The Protection of Manipur People’s Bill 2015, The Manipur Shops and Establishment (2nd Amendment) Bill 2015, and The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (7th Amendment) Bill 2015 – on August 31. Incidentally, the legislations were passed during an emergency session following the demand of the implementation of Inner line Permit (ILP) system in the state. The ILP is a special pass that is required to enter the northeastern states of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram. The system was introduced by the British to protect their commercial interests and continues now essentially as a mechanism to protect the tribal people and their cultures.</div>
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The hasty passage of the bills without any consultation with the Hill Areas Committee (HAC) has not gone down well with tribal population. In particular, Section 2 (b) of the Protection of Manipur People Bill that defines “Manipur people” as those “whose names are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951, Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants” has created the fear that they may be declared as “foreigners” in their own land if they are not on the records. This, in fact, is a very real threat to many, given the fact that most tribal chiefs in the hill areas are illiterate, there are limited written historical records from the 1950s and also several hamlets are so remote that it is impossible for census enumerators to accurately record residents of all villages. Apart from the question mark on identity it’s the land bill that has unleashed widespread anxiety. So far, the tribal upsurge has resulted in the resignation of five tribal legislators, claimed 10 lives, left more than 50 injured and led to the burning down of the houses of, among others, a tribal parliamentarian and six legislators.</div>
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At present, what has kept matters in control, especially in Churachandpur, the worst affected district, is the personal involvement of local women’s groups like the Zomi Mother’s Association, Hmar Women’s Association, Kuki Women’s Union and the women’s wing of the Mizo People’s Council. They have been out in large numbers to demand a “political solution” and are even “prepared for a long movement” but they are clear that violence is not the way out. The joint statement issued by the tribal women’s bodies says: “We are people who have been living and practicing our culture and traditions which are unique and distinct from the dominant societies. Our social, cultural, economic and political life has been passed down from our ancestors and we continue to practice them. We belong to a worldview that defines land as collectively owned by the people and not the State. We are against any form of attempt to alienate us from our land. Land is central to our identity and life”.</div>
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Vungmuanching, leader of the Zomi Mother’s Association, can remember the events of the day violence broke out as if it were yesterday. She elaborates, “When we came to learn that the youth has gathered in large numbers to burn the police station, we gathered our members and immediately rushed to the spot. There we formed a human fence and appealed to them to give up the planned arson. We had to literally beg them to stop. Some of us tried to reason with them saying that we, the mothers, were not willing to lose any more of our young children to the mindless fighting. We told them that they are our future and that if required we would sacrifice our lives first. But we will do things the right way.”</div>
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Ever since this landmark incident, things have been visibly better, although Vungmuanching is worried that the situation could very well go out of hand because “our youth is still on the boil”. It’s only the repeated calls for peace made jointly by the women’s groups which has kept them at bay. “During the curfew days, we were regularly organising non-violent sit-ins, signature campaigns and candle light marches as and when normalcy was restored for a few hours. What’s been truly inspiring and amazing is the spontaneous coming together of various women’s organisations despite the differences in political ideologies. Women and girls have come out because we feel the need to raise our voice. We hold our tribal elected representatives responsible for this mess and want the centre to step in and take immediate action,” she adds.</div>
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Thus far the administration has remained a quiet bystander and that has driven Vungmuanching’s contemporary, Kimneihoi Hlungdim of the Kuki Women’s Union to join in the call for “immediate intervention by the central government”. According to Kimneihoi, “The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (7th Amendment) Bill 2015 is a disturbing move by the state government to take away tribal people’s control of their own lands. Furthermore, I take serious exception to the provision in The Protection of Manipur People’s Bill 2015 that defines Manipur people as those persons who are registered since the 1951 census simply because in 1951 many of the people in the under developed tribal hills areas were not even registered.”</div>
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Kimneihoi is particularly concerned with the status of her Kuki people, too. “Of late, there has been a lot of talk as to how the Kuki people are ‘illegal migrants’. This is one of the reasons why the Kuki women and even people at large are demanding a separate administration. The Kukis are fiercely protective of their heritage and land.”</div>
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Marybeth Sanate of the Hmar Women’s Association is one of the key coordinating members of the ongoing women-led protests. She remarks, “This is the first time that such a large number of women has come together to demand a political solution.” As the protests gain momentum, the women are getting themselves better organised. Marybeth is confident that “the women are prepared to be part of a long movement” because they are well aware that “as they stand, things are not good and are not going to get any easier. We are getting ourselves organised. Several forms of protest are lined up, including a series of candle light marches”. Of course, even as the demonstrations go on and the women get ready for a long drawn campaign, none of the state or central leaders has visited the district yet and neither has there been any attempt to review or discuss the contentious legislations.</div>
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Times are indeed changing for the tribal groups that inhabit the idyllic hills of Manipur. With women’s groups in Churachandpur, that till recently were mostly welfare organisations, now beginning to assert their political rights it’s definitely the sign of a new beginning and, perhaps, a more stable tomorrow. </div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-71492161886680776132015-08-06T19:25:00.002-07:002015-08-06T19:28:43.522-07:00Naga accord: A test for Narendra Modi's policies <span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Many would argue there is nothing "new" or "historic" in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's August 3 announcement of the "Naga Peace Accord". Indeed there is none. The only available media statement said details of the accord framework and its execution will be released in the days to come. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">But there is something very unique - Modi's way of doing things. His strategy, execution and, most of all, his ability to read people's minds and effectively using the media (particularly TV) to his full advantage. He effortlessly manages to soothe the ego of the leaders of the NSCN-IM to (almost) perfection - the photo-op, the protocol. With the whole country glued on to the screen, it was perfect. The Naga traditional shawl, which Modi consciously did not remove all through the public show, was a value addition. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The grey dot in the show, though, would be the pretentious smile of Th. Muivah, general secretary of the NSCN-IM and a stammering on pronouncing " Narendra Modi". And of course the absence of the outfit's chairman Isaac Swu, who is undergoing treatment due to illness.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> </span><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">As usual at his best public speaking, Modi delivered a diplomatic and impressive speech. There were pointers in between the lines. He touched upon issues that were core to the hearts and minds of the Nagas -- their way of life. He talked of the larger picture of socio-economic development of northeast India and beyond which made his speech acceptable to all, particularly the non-Nagas and the general Indian public. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Perhaps due to the long drawn exhaustive "peace process" between the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (IM faction) and the Indian government, that has more or less led to fatigue, the August 3 announcement didn't or rather could not stir much ripples, unlike other occasion when the peace talk reaches a certain point, such as in 2001, when Manipur literally burned. In fact, much as the Naga peace talk had been complex and complicated </span><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">(the process is more than 15 years old now, and doesn't seem to be over as yet); it would be too early to comment.</span><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">From the official speech of Muivah who is the NSCN-IM signatory to the "framework agreement", it is clear that he is not yet done, an indication that the NSCN-IM shouldn't be written off so soon. Not directly facing the camera, Muivah repeated a very similar sentence that has been used since past years that an honourable peaceful political solution is yet to be worked out. An attempt to convey a message that "this is not the end". </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Though there is disquiet or no major knee-jerk reactions, be it in Naga areas or other parts of northeast India, there was curiosity, jitter and anxiety. The process leading up to the announcement was done in utmost secrecy where many even within the NSCN-IM, the civil society in Nagaland and other northeastern states were taken by surprise. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">While the framework agreement - as in terms of taking to a new level - deserves an applause, it is pertinent to keep in mind the larger public, specially the Nagas who have the right to be informed about what is going to affect them. If they are kept in the dark, it would be a grave mistake on the part of the Naga leadership and New Delhi. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> </span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Certainly there would be negotiations and compromise on various "points" as in many other peace agreements across the world. All said and done, peace is not given or taken. It is not something that can be achieved by signing a document. It comes from the genuine desire of the people, the key stakeholder, the civil society and the government. As many had mentioned and re-called the 1986 Mizo Peace accord - in an attempt to draw parallels and comparisons, it is important to also remember that it w ..</span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"> </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">A nationalist, Modi's readiness to solve the issue does not call for any doubt. His larger vision of India as an emerging leader in South Asia vis-a-vis northeast India cannot be missed. And it is hoped that all this was done in an attempt to make progress and development which the northeast region desperately needs. Modi's understanding of the general picture of northeast India at large and the Naga psyche is visibly noteworthy. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">As far as the August 3 "historic" announcement of the Naga accord is concerned, there is no doubt some progress had been made. The secrecy could be yet another tactic and strategy by Prime Minister Modi, who is reportedly monitoring the process since taking power.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">A nationalist, Modi's readiness to solve the issue does not call for any doubt. His larger vision of India as an emerging leader in South Asia vis-a-vis northeast India cannot be missed. And it is hoped that all this was done.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Nevertheless, for better or for worse, his tactics and handling of the Naga conflict and the northeast region will be tested in days to come. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: transparent; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">As of now, the Naga accord is an open-ended matter. We can only hope for better days, not only for the Nagas but for all the people in the northeast who are direct or indirect stakeholders of the peace process. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">IANS August 6,2915</span></div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-87274747328702627962015-07-24T22:58:00.000-07:002015-07-24T22:59:37.570-07:00 Women Tribal Leaders Herald Politics of Change<div style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: arial; text-align: justify;">
In her long innings as a student leader, social activist and, finally, an elected representative, Madhumati Debbarma has seen many ups and downs. Although she has enjoyed every phase of her public life she does admit that getting herself elected to the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC) was no cakewalk. This year, the 40-something leader has been chosen to represent Kulai-Champahour (ST) constituency for the third consecutive term but each time, she says, “one has to work hard, stay connected with the people and not take anything for granted”.</div>
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People’s issues, restrictive traditional practices and norms, economic hardships and a general atmosphere of conflict – years of activism have enabled Madhumati to closely understand the harsh realities on the ground. Even before she joined politics, as the member of the All India Mahila Sangathan she was actively involved in initiatives focused on empowering women in tribal areas, especially devising programmes to help them acquire income generation skills. Nonetheless, she is convinced that only her foray into mainstream politics has given her the constitutional authority to bring about real change. “One can always work for the betterment of society either as a social worker or an activist. Yet, becoming an elected leader has given me the power to do much more for my people and positively influence policy-making, which has a long term impact,” she points out.</div>
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At present, the TTAADC has three women on the 30-member body – 28 elected and two nominated – which is by no means adequate representation. In fact, of a total of 175 candidates that jumped into the fray just 10 were women. And therein lies the reality of women’s grassroots leadership not just in Tripura but in the region. Whereas women are at the forefront of activism and even come out in large numbers to vote they are conspicuous by their absence from political office.</div>
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In the tribal dominated northeastern states, there are parallel governance structures – the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) administer the tribal areas while the panchayats govern the non tribal stretches. Of course, though the ADCs were conceptualised to decentralise power, uphold the interests of tribal people and safeguard their culture, there has been no move so far to initiate reservation for women in these bodies. Consequently, for leaders like Madhumati, who aspire to wield power on the hitherto male dominated ADCs, the challenges are many. From convincing the party to give a ticket to contest to motivating voters, prevalent patriarchal mindsets often come in the way. This negative outlook has, of course, not deterred those who are committed towards the welfare and rights of their people.</div>
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Take Sandhya Rani Chakma, who has been able to overcome the hurdles to take up a place on the TTAADC for a third consecutive term from Chakma Karamchhara (ST) constituency. Rather than talk about the problems she has encountered, as “problems are a part of any job and like anyone else I too have faced them”, this dedicated Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader is more inclined to present a hopeful picture. She believes that women’s participation in local self-government in her state is encouraging as “women are keen to work for their community”. Many a time, this can-do spirit does not get channelized into full participation in the political arena, though through her personal example Sandhya has been trying to strongly make a case for the same.</div>
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The experienced leader first forayed into politics during her college days as an active member of the Student Federation of India (SFI), besides being a part of the Tripura Tribal Student Union. In addition, whenever she had the time she would keenly involve herself in CPI (M)’s party work. Such an approach won her the confidence of her party colleagues and her name was proposed for the list of candidates for the Council. “I have been in the political sphere for over a decade now and I truly believe that more women need to be in politics. As elected members of the government we can do more work, assist people effectively and have a widespread impact. My work is a testimony to this,” she says proudly.</div>
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Both Madhumati and Sandhya are not just colleagues in the TTAADC but are associated with the same political party. The duo is totally sold on woman power and recommends reservations and a greater involvement in party workings. Currently, gram sabhas (village councils) that do not fall in the TTAADC area have 33 per cent reservation for women though it is not extended to the district council. To encourage women candidates Sandhya calls for extending support “institutionally, as if that happens then many more will come forward to contest elections”. Madhumati observes that political parties, too, need to “provide more space and opportunity” to them by nominating more women as candidates, “This has been a constant demand from our end. We are always trying to ensure more nominations for women.”</div>
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These opinions are echoed by Madhumati and Sandhya’s counterpart in the Manipur (Hill Area) Autonomous District Council, Hatthing Doungel. Ask this two-time elected member how her political career has shaped up so far and she will relay mixed feelings. She says, “In my first term I was only learning the ropes of governance. This time around I have a clear agenda for development and I know exactly how to go about fulfilling it.”</div>
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The circumstances in Manipur have been quite complicated because of its long history of violence and underground insurgent activity. The 2015 election was perhaps the first time since 1972, when the state was formally founded, that adult franchise was exercised in true spirit at the grassroots. In the earlier years the election process had been completely neglected quite like the state of development. Even today officially there is no count of the total number of women candidates that contested for the 136-odd seats spread over six ADCs in the six tribal hill districts. Each council comprises 24 elected members and two nominated members. Only three women, including Doungel, have been winners out of around 10 female candidates (unofficial sources).</div>
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Where the women ADC members like Madhumati, Sandhya and Doungel speak the language of development and naturally have women’s welfare central to their agenda what they require is a fair chance to do their job and the support of their party.</div>
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Women's Feature Service</div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-56201487021816320012015-05-09T07:49:00.001-07:002015-05-09T07:50:29.140-07:00Rural Democracy <div style="padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Six autonomous district councils of Manipur’s hill districts of Churachandpur Chandel, Sadar Hills, Senapati, Ukhrul and Tamenglong will go to the polls on 1 June. Parliament passed the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act 1971 and the first election was held in 1973. Each council had 18 elected members and two were nominated. Today, each comprises 24 elected and two nominated members. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In 1989, the people boycotted the elections demanding extension of the Sixth Schedule. In the 2010 election, the United Naga Council, a frontal organisation, boycotted proceedings. This time also it has renewed its call,maintaining that it has not mandated the ADC so any policies, programmes and activities of any political party/parties or individual/individuals, who either in speech, written statements, visual displays or actions oppose the established and registered political position of the Nagas will be treated as anti-Nagas. According to the UNC, its demand for an alternative arrangement for the Nagas of Manipur — independent of the Manipur government — is pending final settlement to the Indo-Naga political engagement and has reached a crucial stage, and, as such, “any situation that endangers or jeopardises the established position built up with blood and tears should not be allowed into the land of the Nagas”. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The UNC has warned the present members and those who contesting the polls by defying the Naga People’s Convention declaration of July 2010 that they will be banned from taking any social or political responsibilities in the future, adding that anyone who ignores the directive of peaceful and democratic appeal shall do so at their own risk. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Some militant groups have reportedly sought a ban on the 2015 ADC election and its candidates. The 1 June election assumes significance because it is being held after 20 years. Even as the ADCs were revived in 2010 under the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council 3rd Amendment Act 2008, elections, per se, as in exercising adult franchises, were not witnessed. Most of them were nominated. In June 2010, however, about 156 representatives took oath. The ADCs were revived in 2010 with renewed hope and aspirations, but the road to grassroots democracy has not been smooth. The ADC members became mere implementers of a few development projects —their activities confined to monitoring rural primary schools and overseeing welfare schemes.ADC members in their memorandums to the state and the Centre have expressed grievances over non-devolution of power. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">According to the 2008 (amendment) Act, there were 26 subjects and a new section, 29 (A), listed in the Principal Act that provided the ADCs the power, functions and responsibilities. But members allege till today that these have not been acted upon in spirit and deed in violation of Article 371 (c) of the Hill Areas Committee. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In 1991, the state government said it had no objection to extension of the Sixth Schedule to the hill areas but it should be done with “certain local adjustments and amendments” but this was never clarified. The Centre has also been seeking an explanation on what these “local adjustments and amendments” are but so far no one knows what the state government has to say about it. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Besides political suppression of these grassroots representations, the basic infrastructures of the ADCs are minimal and absent.Many of them do not have proper offices. Most members have not been able to discharge their duties for security reasons and are mostly based in Imphal. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">As a matter of fact, the functioning of the ADCs is weak and abysmal. As it stands, the implications of such a situation is indicative of a weak democracy, rather a non- existence of governance in the hill areas and Manipur as a whole. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The upcoming election is an opportunity for the state and the Centre to look into governance and administration of the hill areas.While the latter is equally responsible for the state of affairs of the local governing bodies, the key lies in the state government, as per Schedule 7 of the Constitution, the local government is a state subject. Moreover, according to the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments 1992, ratified by the state government, the latter is accountable for implementation,monitoring and reforming structure of the local self-government. This is also the time to review the several talks and “pending solutions” with the civil and traditional bodies as well as the rebel groups. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In a democratic country like India, the key to development of rural areas and subsequent progress of a nation lies in the vibrancy of local-self- governance,more commonly known as grassroots democracy. The unrest in the hill areas in Manipur is basically due to the non-functioning of this very basic structure of governance.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The Statesman (NE page) </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">May 4,2015</span></div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-57350674006170164942015-04-19T18:56:00.000-07:002015-04-19T19:12:38.777-07:00Much Ado<div style="padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The much-hyped Union home ministry affairs-constituted Bezbaruah Committee to look into the security concerns of citizens from the North-east living in Delhi and other metropolitan cities and recommend measures to tackle these has not yielded results.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Set up in February last year in the aftermath of the death of Arunachal Pradesh student Nido Tania and numerous cases of assault against people from the region in metro cities, the report was submitted in July.The ministry reportedly accepted the committee’s recommendations. At a meeting in February chaired by Union minister of state for home Kiren Rijiju and attended by representatives of various ministries concerned, the Delhi Police and NE state Bhawans, it was stated that the judicial division of the ministry had informed the legislative department of law and justice to incorporate an amendment in IPC Sections 153C and 509A in the draft of the Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill 2015 and introduce it in the recentlyconcluded Parliament session.This, though, did not take place.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">With regard to the recommendation for legal assistance, the Delhi legal services authority was directed to constitute a panel of seven lawyers, including five women, exclusively to assist people from the North-east states.While this is yet to materialise, many cases are pending. The long drawn out legal process has forced many to give up. Last year alone there had been numerous cases of assault, including the rape of a 14-year-old Manipuri girl and the murder of a Naga youth.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Special police initiatives,exclusively for Northeastern people, were also recommended and there had been suggestions for a special recruitment drive. But till date there has been no report of such recruitment. The only initiative taken up was the formation of a list of state-wise “representatives” to assist the police.Their main job is to receive calls and be a “contact point” for any issue arising and report cases to the police/ police stations. These “representatives” are not employed staff. Nor was it recommended by the Bezbaruah Committee or the Union home ministry; it was done purely on a philanthropic basis under the “special cell” of the Delhi Police. They are not officially recognized though they carry identity cards as “representatives”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Instead of catering to an emergency, the police helpline, 1093, has drawn bizarre responses. According to an IANS report in March this year, the helpline received unrelated and ridiculous calls. The report says that since its operation from October till March, the helpline got 27 telephone calls,mostly unrelated to North-east issues or problems. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The only action taken so far is on festivals and events. Upon recommendation of the Bezbaruah Committee, the home ministry has asked several ministries and institutions, such as the Union Information and Broadcasting, Culture and Sports ministries, the University Grants Commission, the National Council for Educational Research and Training, etc, to take up publicity and programmes to showcase the North-east and hold interactive sessions. As far as publicity, cultural and festival extravaganzas are concerned,many events have been organised.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Educational institutions are holding conferences/ lectures on the North-east. Scholarships for students of the region in graduate and postgraduate courses have been announced. The UGC and NCERT have plans to introduce chapters and revise their subjects to include in the text-books pertaining to the history, geography and socio-culture of North-east India. The Sangeet Natak Academy and Lalit Kala Academy are preparing an action plan to conduct cultural activities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The Bezbaruah Committee is said to have suggested amendment of rent laws. But the Centre proposed construction of a hostel and effective use of the existing one, such as the working womens’ hostel, constructed in 2012 at Jasola. On the payment of salaries, the ministry has suggested North-east youths to approach the Labour Department.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In a rather impractical move, as per recommendation of the Bezbaruah Committee, the Union home ministry has asked the resident commissioners of each of the North-east states in Delhi to provide detail data of students, professionals, businessmen, workers/labourers from the North-east to the Delhi Police joint commissioner. While there are more than 200,000 North-easterns in Delhi alone (as per the estimate by the Centre for North-east Study and Policy Research, JMI 2013), such data would be practically impossible to compile. Moreover, there has never been a “data compilation” of people who move from their region/state to another within the country. This is rather ridiculous. The North-east population comprises internal migrants, unlike people moving from one country to another.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;">While migration is a universal phenomenon, is the movement of the North-east people within their own country something that is unique or extraordinary? The issue/problem of the North-east population in metro cities is about crime and violence and should be tackled as such, and not be treated as something extraordinary or complex lest it unwittingly and unfortunately facilitate an exclusion rather than an inclusion.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;">The Statesman ( NE page) </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;">April 20, 2015</span><br />
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</span>ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-9452887813620585092015-04-01T08:13:00.001-07:002015-04-01T08:13:57.028-07:00A taste of North East<div style="background-color: white; color: #666666; font-family: arial; text-align: justify;">
Food can be the window to a culture and instantly provide deep insights into the everyday life of the people. It is also a wonderful tool of soft diplomacy, as it effortlessly builds bridges across regions, religions, castes and class lines. These factors, and the reality that not much is either known or been written about the rich cuisine from Northeast India compelled journalist and author Hoihnu Hauzel, who hails from Manipur, to pen ‘The Essential North-East Cookbook’, which offers a variety of wonderful flavours from the region. She has recently brought out the second edition of this guide to “exotic delicacies that are not a part of mainstream Indian fare”. In this one-on-one, Hauzel talks about her passion for food and how it’s just a matter of time before northeast food becomes widely popular. In addition, the author shares two of her favourite recipes.</div>
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Q: You’ve been a long-time journalist and columnist. How did your journey as a food writer begin?</div>
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A: I developed an interest in exploring and talking about food from the Northeast quite early. I was once asked to give a talk on our regional cuisine on the occasion of International Women’s Day by the All India Radio in Manipur and that led me to go deeper into researching on local foods and food habits. That is when I realised that not only is there very little known about our cuisine but, more importantly, there is no written information available. It sparked off an interest within me and I began to write regularly on our delicacies.</div>
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Q: What’s your food philosophy?</div>
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A: I see food as a means to bond and also to bridge the regional divide. For me, food is what keeps my relationships and friendships going. I reach out to my friends, who are not from the Northeast, through food. I love to invite them over and cook special meals. I even share ingredients from back home with them. What I have observed over the years is that there is a keen interest to learn more about our food. In fact, I truly believe that food is the most effortless way to understand a people and their culture. When someone is familiar with the food of a particular community, s/he is naturally inclined to gain deeper insights into their life and respect their traditions.</div>
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Q: So what is food from the Northeast all about?</div>
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A: The dishes from the Northeast are not heavy on oil and spices and yet are delicious. They are perfect for health freaks and weight watchers. We use several locally grown aromatic herbs which makes them exotic. They are light, healthy and easy to prepare. Simplicity, in fact, is the hallmark of the cuisine. The basic components of a meal are steamed or boiled rice, accompanied by a gravy-based meat or fish dish, chutney and washed down with a soup of boiled vegetables.</div>
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Yet, while the basics are similar there are differences in the foods consumed and the methods of preparation, based on religion and culture. For instance, the tribes that are not influenced by Hinduism relish meat, while Hindu communities like the Asomiyas of Assam eat fish and mutton, and the Meiteis of Manipur eat fish at the very most. People from the predominantly Christian states of Nagaland, Mizoram, Meghalaya, and about 40 per cent of the Manipuris do not have any religious restrictions in their diet.</div>
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<b>GALHO (Nagaland)</b></div>
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Rice with vegetable</div>
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Ingredients</div>
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* Half cup rice</div>
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* Leaves of one medium-sized cabbage (washed and torn into 1” pieces by hand)</div>
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* 5 French beans (trimmed and broken into small pieces by hand)</div>
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* 1 tomato (chop)</div>
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* 5 large mustard leaves (washed and shredded by hand)</div>
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* 1 tbsp ginger (chopped)</div>
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* 1 medium-sized onion (chopped)</div>
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* 1 tbsp garlic (chopped)</div>
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* 3 green chillies (chopped)</div>
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Salt to taste</div>
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Serves: 7</div>
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Preparation time: 20 minutes</div>
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Cooking time: 15 minutes</div>
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Preparation</div>
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1. Wash rice and drain.</div>
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2. Place two-and-a-half cups of water in a pan and bring to boil over high heat.</div>
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2. Add rice, bring to boil again, lower heat, cover pan and simmer till rice is fluffy and soft.</div>
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4. Mix in remaining ingredients, and continue simmering over low heat, stirring occasionally till the vegetables are done.</div>
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Serve hot or cold.</div>
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Variation: Add either chicken or pork shredded into pieces into the mixture.</div>
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(Note: The dish is usually served in the afternoon as a snack. In the old days, it was taken to the fields for lunch by the cultivators. Today, Galho is served as a delicacy in most restaurants in Nagaland)</div>
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<b>DOHNEILONG (Meghalaya)</b></div>
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Khasi pork dish cooked with black sesame seeds</div>
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Ingredients:</div>
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* 1 kg pork</div>
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* 4 medium sized onions, sliced</div>
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* 2 tbsp garlic paste</div>
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* 2 tbsp black sesame seeds</div>
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* A pinch of turmeric powder</div>
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* 1 tbsp salt</div>
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Preparation:</div>
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1. Wash pork, drain thoroughly and cut into three-inch pieces</div>
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2. Place pork in a cooker over low heat and cook for about 15 minutes, stirring constantly till the fat oozes out.</div>
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3. Remove meat from the cooker and set aside.</div>
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4. Add the remaining ingredients and cook, stirring frequently till the fat separates.</div>
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5. Add the pork and cook for about 5 minutes.</div>
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6. Pour in two cups of water, close the cooker and cook under pressure for 15 minutes.</div>
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Serve hot. </div>
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WOMEN'S FEATURE SERVICE</div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-63096621786697063542015-03-23T08:36:00.002-07:002015-03-23T08:37:19.137-07:00Accent on integration<div style="font-family: 'Open Sans Condensed', sans-serif; font-size: 16px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 2 March, Union minister for development of the North-eastern region Jitender Singh told scholars, most of them from North-east states, and faculty members and the vice-chancellor of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, that the process for the proposed hostel for North-east students would be completed soon. He was speaking at a roundtable talk on “Unfolding development potential of the region — sustainability and policy perspective”, organised by the JNU in collaboration with the ministry. He also stated that in the Union Budget, Rs 2,362.74 crore had been allocated for development of the region.</div>
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Noting the huge number of North-east students and faculty members in the JNU as significant and remarkable, the minister said “the academic potential of the North-east is under-exploited. Of the 8,000 students in the JNU, where 512 were from the North-east states”. He also announced, besides several initiatives, that his ministry would collaborate with the JNU-North East study programmes at various academic levels and research. Mega events such as film festivals would be organised in the national capital and also in Mumbai to tap Bollywood filmmakers. An N-E hostel is estimated to cost Rs 95 crore and it will have 500 rooms, a dining hall, warden flats and common rooms. While 50 per cent seats will be reserved for students from the Northeast, the rest will be for students from other parts of the country.</div>
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According to the JNU website, there is hostel accommodation for 5,500 students. Of this, 15 per cent is reserved for Schedule Castes and 7.5 per cent for Schedule Tribes. At present, there are 18 hostel for boys and girls, and one for married couples. All the hostels are named after rivers, such as Ganga, Tapti, Narmada, Brahmaputra and Lohit (Arunachal Pradesh).</div>
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There have been some reactions over the exclusive hostel for students from the North-east states, with many feeling that such a move is regressive rather than progressive. That it will be a blot on the reputation of the JNU, known for its liberal views and stands. Some argue that such a move would further alienate North-east students. Some even feel that a secluded hostel would amount to “ghettoisation”.</div>
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Strongly objecting to the proposal, Partha S Ghosh, in a letter published in the Economic and Political Weekly (28 February) says that nothing will hit the ethos of the JNU harder than such moves for an exclusive hostel for a certain section of the student community. The university is known for its inclusive culture which is reflected through its vibrant hostel life. Jawaharlal Nehru, in whose name the university was established in 1969, had always stood for inter-communal and inter-regional harmony. he wrote. He quoted the university insignia that says, “A University stands for humanism. For tolerance, for reason, for the adventure of ideas and for the search of truth. It stands for the onward march of the human race towards ever higher objectives.”</div>
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Ghosh called upon the university authorities to reconsider their decision, even if it may be a little late in the day. He recalled a past a decision to dedicate one accommodation,which was stopped after opposition. </div>
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The JNU has for a long time been facing an acute shortage to comply. Now, only 5,500 out of 8,000 can be accommodated.</div>
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North-east scholars and faculty members in the JNU too do not subscribe to the idea though many agree that North-east students face hardships. One important point being the food served in the hostel mess which is mostly North and South Indian fare. There are no North-east items in any hostel. Some believe that one hostel providing North-east food would be a good initiative. .</div>
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Caroline Maninee, a scholar at the Centre for Political Studies, says, “Our food culture is very different, at times we spend a lot of money eating outside as North-east food is not provided in the mess and our payments go in vain. If South and North Indian dishes are provided, why not North-east too?”</div>
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Citing her experience, she said, “If we take our chutney to the mess room, friends from other regions walk away or move to other tables, leaving us as though we are eating something dirty.” While agreeing that a separate North-east hostel is not a good move, she feels that of the existing hostels one can have a North-east mess — “at the least on alternate days or weekends”.</div>
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According to Professor Bhagat Oinam, Department of Philosophy and former director of the North-east Study Programme, JNU, a separate hostel would serve as an exclusion of North-east students rather than integration. He said “this will ghettoise North-east students”. Instead, the proposed hostel should have seats reserved for North-east students and its name should not bear the tag “North East Hostel”.</div>
<span style="font-family: 'Open Sans Condensed', sans-serif; font-size: 16px;"><br />The Statesman, North East </span><br />
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Pi Dari lives in Kammanahalli, a quiet locality in the bustling IT city of Bengaluru, the state capital of Karnataka. Living far away from her home state Mizoram, in the northeast, she keeps the taste of Mizo cuisine alive by maintaining a flourishing kitchen garden in her backyard where she cultivates a variety of vegetables and herbs found back home. Her friend, Pi Zami, too, makes batches of fresh pickles and keeps a ready stock of dried ingredients, such as banana flowers, samtawkte (bitter gourd) and bekang (soybean), which are essential to their traditional recipes but are hard to find in the southern city.</div>
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Whereas earlier, the two women used to keep these home-grown and homemade products for their personal use, these days they bring them over to Pi Kaitei's home, also in Kammanahalli, for a weekly sale held there. In fact, every Friday afternoon, Pi Kaitei's garage is where all the action takes place. From 3pm onwards, women slowly start trooping in with bags bursting with goodies and make themselves comfortable as their gracious host serves cups of steaming hot tea and snacks that remind everyone of home. As the numbers grow happy chatter fills the room - some animatedly exchange news or discuss the latest happenings in their community, others begin unloading their bags to set out boxes of sticky rice, bunches of bean leaves and phuihnam (wild shoots), varieties of chilly, bottles of chutneys, and tins of ngari (fermented fish), among other traditional food items.</div>
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"This is the Northeast Bazaar, which opens up for two hours every week giving an opportunity to women from the northeast region to interact with each other and buy foods from their home states that are otherwise extremely hard to source in Bengaluru," explains Rini Ralte, social activist, academic and the brains behind this unconventional market.</div>
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Ralte, who came over to Bengaluru from Mizoram over two decades ago, understands what it's like to come to a place so decidedly different from one's hometown that the process of adjusting to a new life in the new town becomes tougher than it already is. "Today, there are hundreds of people from the northeastern states living in the city. Some are here for higher education, others in search of good livelihood opportunities. But being so far away from home can be very difficult and lonely, especially when the local language and customs are so different and distinct from one's own. That's why we decided to set up the Northeast Bazaar where women can meet up, talk to each other, and, at the same time, get a taste of home cuisine," she elaborates.</div>
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Just a couple of years ago Bengaluru was in the news for incidents involving the targeting of youth from the northeast. As a fallout, nearly 30,000 people belonging to the northeastern states had leftthe city in haste fearing for their safety. Ever since then Ralte, Pi Dari, Pi Zami and others were trying to figure out a way in which they all could connect with each other on a regular basis and derive a sense of support. Today, the bazaar allows them to do this and much more. "However, conceptualising the project was far simpler than turning it into a reality. Our main challenge was finding the right place to set everything up. It had to be big enough to accommodate many women and, at the same time, economical," shares Ralte, who has initiated several northeast solidarity networks in Bengaluru. This critical problem was solved when Pi Kaitei offered to lend her garage. "This proved to be a perfect solution for us. We got down to cleaning it up and then rearranged everything to turn it into a cheerful and inviting space. And the best part, it was rent free!" recalls Ralte.</div>
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The Northeast Bazaar formally opened its doors to the community women in July 2014 and since then has gained immense popularity. "We spread the word telling friends and family and through social networking sites. The response has been quite amazing. I remember on Day One, we had sold offeverything that was on offer within one hour," remarks the ingenious activist.</div>
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These days, the Northeast Bazaar is the place to pick up an array of authentic ingredients native to the region. There's everything from samtawk (bitter wild berries from Mizoram), satinrem (egg plant), behliang (a verity of peas), bahkhawr (herb) and pardi (herb similar to celery) to lengser (leaves used to flavour meat and fish curry) and chhangban (Mizo bread made from sticky rice) available on sale. "Most of these are brought over by the women themselves. So, in a sense, this is one way in which they get to earn a small sum of money for themselves. Incidentally, the pickles, chutneys and veggies that Pi Dari and Pi Zami bring are very popular," informs Ralte with a smile.</div>
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As women browse through the selection of items Pi Kaitei brings out tea and sanpiau (rice cake) for everyone. Eventually, they get talking about the latest happenings in the city apart from swapping personal news and giving each other some well received advice. "The bazaar has become a major hub for information - whether it is finding a suitable job, searching for a safe place to live or just getting updates on things happening back home. Everyone really looks forward to coming here on Friday," says Ralte.</div>
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For now, the Northeast Bazaar is operating on a small scale. The money to keep it going comes from small donations generously given by the visitors themselves. The amount collected is also used to lend a helping hand to anyone in need. Shares Ralte, "If anyone needs emergency legal fees or money for food or shelter, we give it to them from this kitty." And are there any plans to expand? "Presently, we cater to only the northeast community because we do not source and sell huge quantities of products. Whatever we offer is always sold out. There is a space constraint as well. We can't afford a bigger place right now and we certainly can't cram up in Pi Kaitei's 20 sq ft garage. So we are keeping a low profile," she says.</div>
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Nonetheless, the women do feel excited about spreading out their operations in the future. "It would be wonderful if we could bring over a larger variety of products from our home state and showcase our food and culture to a wider audience. This is one way in which we can successfully bridge the gap between the locals and the northeast community. It will aid in a creating better understanding of each other and increase tolerance," signs off Ralte, on a positive note.</div>
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</span>ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-40494236458910018532015-02-06T01:01:00.002-08:002015-02-06T01:04:35.934-08:00Education is not about competition or merit; It is about development<div style="text-align: justify;">
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Most of the primary government schools are situated in rural and semi rural areas in Manipur. These schools were functional but it has only primary level standards/ classes. Moreover these rural primary schools have no concrete infrastructures and facilities. Reportedly in most cases either there are no teachers or if any, were on a contract basis. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">It may also be mentioned that most of these government primary schools were shut down in conflict areas - interior villages in the hill areas, such as Churachandpur district. These are mostly during the early and mid 90s during the peak of insurgency and ethnic tensions. Once shut down these schools never bounce back. Furthermore these rural schools are mostly occupied by security forces in conflict and violence prone areas. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">As far as admissions to schools are concern, no doubt, all children in the villages were enrolled in these government primary schools. Apparently they are still small for agricultural activity and other domestic chores. At times children were sent to these shabby schools as the parents were out in the Jhum ( shifting) cultivation fields the whole day. After completion of primary class they have no opportunity to go for higher education as it will requires to leave the village. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">For those who could afford, go to towns and cities for higher education. But for those who can't afford were left behind. Most importantly girls do not go for higher education. Beside poverty, when they attain teenage they become helpful for house hold chores and agriculture/cultivation work. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">It is also alarming to note that in recent times there has been a massive migration from rural areas into the towns and cities. This migration is not for education but for livelihood. Gouzamang Guite , Executive Member of the Churachandpur Autonomous District Council told this writer that there is a huge migration from interior villages into Lamka town - the District headquarter . </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif;">According to Guite these migration is due to the fact that their main occupation- Jhuming cultivation - is the unstable , besides the requirement of hard labour. Socio political conflicts are another reason, he said. Therefore there has been a continuous movement out of the villages into the city / towns, observed Guite. Earlier only those who are well off moved to the urban areas from rural villages , but today there is huge migration of people who are below poverty line, basically with a hope that they could earn some income in towns and cities. Some hoped for better education for their children while most of them just throng into the towns and urban areas for a living. </span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Most of the villagers, though, when they arrive in the towns or urban city ended up as vegetable or roadside vendors, domestic helpers, rickshaw pullers ( three wheelers ) etc. Sending their children to schools thus became an unrealistic dreams, said Guite, when these villagers could hardly sustain only two square meals a day , education became secondary . Though there are numerous schools and academic institution available, they could not afford to enrol their children due to the high expenditure. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">There are many drop out children due to migration and unstable livelihood even after they come into towns, said Guite. Furthermore, given this context Guite stated that several socio-economic issues are interlinked in this situation. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Talking of education in the Hill areas of Manipur , Guite who goes all the way out to the extent of providing land, to initiate the first ever Sarva Shiksha Abiyan (SSA) in New Lamka, Churachandpur district - , feels that it is not only about enrolment in schools or sitting in a class room , it is about development and social justice. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">"Education is not only about merit", said Guite. Education is the fundamental rights of children, he asserted. The very concept of education as a competition also needs to be re-looked , otherwise it is deepening the hierarchical divide within the society feels Guite. A residential school such as SSA is an attempt for promoting social justice through basic education, he adds. In a situation of poverty particularly in the hill areas of Manipur , Guite said SSA is one of an alternative development. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">The Sarva Shiksha Abiyan was launched in 2004/05 in Manipur to ensure enrolment and provide education for children in the age-group of 6-14 years under the provisions of Article No. 45 of the Indian Constitution and 86th Constitutional Amendment Act. SSA was conceptualised to bridge social, regional and gender gaps with the active participation of the community in the management of schools with the purpose of providing useful and relevant education. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">In the current scenario where competition is the mantra, where government schools lack far behind the private institutions, both in terms of quantity and quality there is huge challenges for Guite, where SSA do not have much opportunity to compete with private schools. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Guite is not deterred , SSA in New Lamka with classes from 6th to 8th standard has completed two years he says with confidence, "there are over 100 students already, and there is a huge demand from communities for more enrolment and up-gradation" said Guite. Speaking enthusiastically of SSA as a community based center of education and learning , a passionate Guite stated that the SSA New Lamka ensure that there are teachers for all subject. There are also an equal number of male and female teachers. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Interestingly, the SSA New Lamka residential school enrolment has more number of girls. The free education has provided an opportunity for girls. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">As per Guite's observation and findings , the SSA system of compulsory and free education has an indirect positive impact apart from academic learning. He explained that a poor family who send their children to SSA for free education are saving their small income, "apart from a welfare approach, it is an investment, children are our future" said Guite. There is a need to change the very meaning of Education - that is an all round development- and the mis-conception of government schools, feels Guite. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">It may also be mentioned that the UN Millennium Development Goal report 2014 release in July last year shows India's poor performance. India figures in the top five countries with extreme poverty. It is extremely important to note that enrolment in schools have considerably improved but simultaneously high drop out rate. Only 1 % of Schedule Tribe girls in rural India passed class 12th. Drop outs students are mostly in conflict areas, finds the UN report. Moreover about 50,000 girls became mothers at the age of 15-19 in rural India. </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">The Sangai Express</span><br />
<span style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Lucida Grande', Lucida, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">February 2, 2014</span></div>
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</span>ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-44318350752713551852015-01-12T06:55:00.001-08:002015-01-12T06:56:59.527-08:00An exclusive approach <span style="color: #616060; font-family: Lora; font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;">IF CRIMES AGAINST NORTH-EAST PEOPLE ARE TO BE CHECKED THERE IS NEED FOR FAST-TRACK TRIALS AND STRINGENT PUNISHMENT. THIS WILL HELP CREATE SAFER ENVIRONMENT AND SECURITY NOT ONLY FOR THE PEOPLE OF THE NORTH-EAST BUT ALSO ALL CITIZENS AND EVENTULLY HELP PROMOTE HARMONY AMONG DIFFERENT COMMUNITIES, SAYS NINGLUN HANGHAL</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #141823; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13.63636302948px; line-height: 20px;"></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #141823; font-family: Helvetica, Arial, 'lucida grande', tahoma, verdana, arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13.63636302948px; line-height: 20px;"><span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">To ensure security and safety of people from the North-east in Delhi and other metros, early this month Union home minister Rajnath Singh said the government was considering the introduction of two new sections in the Indian Penal Code, Section 153 and Section 509. This comes after the government accepted the recommendations of the MP Bezbarua Committee that</span><span class="text_exposed_show" style="display: inline; font-size: 13.63636302948px;"> was formed in February last year in the aftermath of uproar over the death in January of Nido Tania, a teenaged student from Arunachal Pradesh.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">Other recommendations being considered include an exchange programme, special police units and helplines, the inclusion of North-east history in the curriculum of schools and universities and recruitment of North-eastern youths into the police services.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">The pros and cons of the proposed IPC amendments are being examined and, once finalised, a bill is likely to be introduced in Parliament.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">While not much positive changes are expected, the measures are definitely not a new concept. It is worth recall that in May 2012 the MHA had issued an advisory to all state home departments, chief secretaries, DGs/IGs, Union ministry of social justice and empowerment, DoNER, National Commission for STs. The said advisory on discrimination and racial profiling faced by the North-eastern people in some parts of the country and the measures needed to curb the same stated that the duty and the responsibility lay with the state and its home departments to implement and monitor the advisory. It also underlined the role of the police as the first respondent and hence the need for immediate action by state governments and recommended sensitisation of police personnel and punishment of government employees found lacking in discharge of their duty. Besides, the MHA advisory laid out a strong measure — zero tolerance on crime against weaker sections, such as the North-east communities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">It had recommended other security measures and prevention such as social networking, helplines and an outreach programme with North-east communities. It also advised that Section 3 of the SC and ST (Prevention of atrocities) Act should be invoked if any of the victims were found to belong to the ST category.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">Helplines 1091 and 1093 have been set up. Following the 2010 Dhaula Kuan gangrape rape case of a North-east woman BPO employee, the Delhi police had asked all BPOs in Delhi and the NCR to drop their women employees home safely and provide them security during the night. Meanwhile, mention of the North-east is also found in the text books of the National Council of Educational Research and Training. Moreover, several festivals were held to “showcase North-eastern culture and traditions” in the cities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">IPC Section 153, clause A and B says, “Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc, and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony — by words either spoken or written, or by signs or by visible representations or otherwise, promotes or attempts to promote, on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, caste or community or any other ground whatsoever, disharmony or feelings of enmity, hatred or ill-will between different religious, racial, language or regional groups or castes or communities, or commits any act which is prejudicial to the maintenance of harmony between different religious, racial, language or regional groups or castes or communities, and which disturbs or is likely to disturb the public tranquillity”. IPC Section 509 mentions: word, gesture or act intended to insult the modesty of a woman. Under the two said sections, the punishment is a jail term of five and one year, respectively.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">Apparently, the move is cosmetic and appears to be one to counter a possible protest on the death anniversary of Nido Tania (30 January), what with Delhi elections round the corner.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">It is a welfare approach, where issues and problems were considered from the viewpoint of “grievances” rather than a problem that need to be tackled in the larger issue of crime and violence. Moreover, the approach is “exclusivist” in the sense that the matter or issue is considered under special provisions as a “special case”, such as exclusive “helplines” or special units.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">Rather than integrate or “mainstream”, such measures would further exclude and alienate people from the North-east in the mainland. No doubt, being a minority in “mainland” India they are vulnerable to discriminations and assaults, further aggravated by the indifference of the “mainlanders”. Yet, as far as violence is concerned, which is the basic problem here, the most important thing to be noted is that “crime” should not be dealt with only from the “victim’s” perspective but also from the angle of those who commit crimes and the locations, and why and how such crimes happened in a particular area. It is also important to underline that the North-east populations in metros are not or should not only be considered the “beneficiaries” or stakeholders of such security or safety measures or such “goodwill acts” but also the locals themselves (the mainlanders) and society at large.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">Another much-talked about important issue is “misunderstandings” of cultural difference and the need for interactions and awareness initiatives. Therefore, any issue should not be tackled from one direction alone but considerations and involvement of both communities should come into play so as to bridge the gap and facilitate a cordial relationship and mutual coexistence.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 13.63636302948px;">There are enough laws in India, the loopholes lie in their implementation. It is also a fact that many cases disappear in the long-drawn judicial process. Many accused have been acquitted or given bail. If crimes are to be tackled, there is need for stringent punishment and fast-track trials. This will create a safer environment and security not only for North-easterners but also for all citizens and eventually help promote harmony among different communities.</span></div>
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The Statesman ( NE page) </div>
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January 12,2015<br />
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</span></span>ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-29241933575850528022014-12-28T01:16:00.002-08:002014-12-28T01:16:25.383-08:00Collateral Damage ? <div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 15pt;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Haolenphai village in Chandel district, Manipur is once again in the news. The village is about 5 kilometres from Moreh town, an important Indo-Myanmar border trade centre.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Earlier, tension had been shimmering in this border village <span style="background-image: initial; background-repeat: initial;">after Myanmar Army tried to open camps in their village, claiming the area lies within their country. According to the villagers the neighbouring country’s troops were frequently patrolling the area and have even asked the inhabitants of Haolenphai to leave the “encroach area”.</span>Moreover, it was reported that the <span style="background-image: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Army personnel were in the process of shifting the Myanmar border pillars into Indian territory in Haolenphai and adjoining villages.</span>Villagers also alleged that Myanmarese<span style="background-image: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> farmers were felling large number of tress in area for Jhum (shifting) cultivation.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="background-image: initial; background-repeat: initial;"> </span>Following this developments, last year the <span style="background-image: initial; background-repeat: initial;">Centre government halted the controversial India-Myanmar border fencing exercise which had been taken up along the Moreh sector by Border Roads Organization (BRO).</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Now, Hoalenphai dwellers are yet again faced with another challenge of losing their village land, as the new government pushes its way forward in taking up development ventures.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Stiff opposition came from the village chief , the Thadou Student Association (TSA) and other civil bodies against the setting of <span style="background: rgb(252, 252, 252);">a 3,000-acre smart city in this border area in and around Haolenphai village. </span> Several forms of agitation have been taken out such as blockade of national highway, bandhs and <span style="background: rgb(252, 252, 252);">Peaceful demonstrations were taken out in several art of Manipur including in New Delhi.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The said border area have also been earmarked for setting up of “New Commercial Town ship” The master plan 2012 – 2032 is undertaken by Town and Country Planning Organization, MoUD , GoI and Manipur government. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Though the proposed smart city is yet to take its form, media reports in Manipur had quoted the state Industry Minister Govindas Konthoujam as saying that the required 3000 acres of land had been acquired for the smart city. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">This led to a stir with village chief and villagers coming out in defence of their rights and law of the land. A village of about 100 households, Haolenphai is inhabitanted by the Thadou – Kuki tribals who were dependent on agriculture and natural resources from the surrounding forest produce. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In fact, if land acquisition take place, these villages will be physically bulldozed and the dwellers be displaced , not only from the land but from their basic livelihood. Further, for indegineous tribals , land is not only an emotive issue but a political one too.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">According to the Thadou Student Association the proposed plan for smart city nor the said land acquisition, if any, was not in the knowledge of the village Chief. The move against the consent of Tribal Chief is a disrespect and suppression of the right of the indigenous tribals which is also against the very basis of democracy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The TSA’s memorandum submitted to the State Chief Minister and Prime Minister demanded to revoke the said land acquisition.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">"Concept note on Smart Cities" was unvield in September by Urban Minister Venkaiah Naidu. According to the Ministry , the important feature of the smart city is access to information, such as city datas, information related to various service providers , transports and information for potential investors, through multiple channels – internet , mobile, apps, radio Tv etc.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Setting up 100<span lang="EN-US"> Smart City in several regional locations across the country is a concept of taking urban middle class living into a new level , where </span>24/7 utilities services with technology-based governance and monitoring of services to be provided to citizens. Earlier during the Budget session Finance Minister Arun Jaitley had promised an allocation of Rs 7,060 crore. <span lang="EN-US"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Meanwhile the new Government is keen on pushing pending development projects in North East India. The Minister for DoNER, has assured for time bound completion of major infrastructure projects of Rail, Road, Telecom, Inland Water Transport, Airports and Power in the North Eastern Region. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">As gateway to South East Asian countries , the North East region’s economic and strategic advantages hold a important role and is the key to advancing regional influence. Look East policy have also been re-termed “Act East Policy“ recently by Prime Minister Modi in his addressed at the East Asia Summit at Nay Pyi Daw in Myanmar. Government of India has also taken steps for the development of road and port projects in Myanmar, improvement of customs facilities at the Indo-Myanmar border, development of road and rail connectivity in Bangladesh for access to sea ports and appropriate customs facilities at the Indo-Bangladesh border.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">But for people living in the periphery, this creates fear and insecurity. The slogans say it all. Thadou Students who held a demonstration recently in Delhi called to “ save Hoalenphai village” “ save our tribals lands”.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Asserting that tribals in the hills have their own system of land holding based on customary and traditional practice, the student demonstrators alleged that their rights have been systematically violated and that the proposed project is an attempt to grab the tribal lands. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span lang="EN-US">For people in the village their utmost need are basic amenities and facilities such as hospitals and better education. Opposition to projects that are not viable for people is not anti-development per se , said </span>Thangpimang Kipgen <span lang="EN-US">one of the Student leader. According to him ,</span>in the present situation and context , where Villagers were dependent on the forest land and forest produce their livelihood would be wiped out. The main concern , the student leader stated is that villagers do not have the required skills and knowledge to take advantage of such “smart cities” and therefore the benefit of such development will automatically go to “non- inhabitants/villagers” and that none of the villagers will make it to the new city. Another concern being , that displacement will further led to being wiped out completely as a community, thus their very core existence is at stake. Demonstrators also cautioned that the said proposed lands are areas of thick forest lands. Destruction of the <wbr></wbr>forest lands will pose grave threats to the eco diversity and environment. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Will the poor tribal villagers be considered a mere collateral damage in the process of development and progress is something that needs a serious re-thinking. While displacement of 100 household may be ‘insignificant’ in the larger concept and vision of development and economic advancement , it may also be noted that huge investment as far as north east is concern have not yield any desired output, let alone profit. Mega dams in the region are such examples where mega projects stands as mere physical infrastructure. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">NE SUN </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">November 2014 </span></div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-32775923073238212482014-11-15T05:38:00.004-08:002014-11-15T05:55:25.656-08:00Ambiguous Autonomy <div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">MAHATMA GANDHI , THE FATHER of the Nation who dreamt of Gram
Swaraj or self reliant model villages would have been really disappointed given
the sad situation of Manipur hills autonomous councils.</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It
was way back in 1989 that elections to Autonomous District Councils ( ADCs) in
Manipur Hill areas were boycotted in demand for extension of 6<sup>th</sup>
Schedule Provisions of the Constitutions of India ( Article 244) . In 2010
fresh elections were held under the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council 3<sup>rd</sup>
Amendment Act 2008. A total of 156
elected representatives took oath on 26<sup>th</sup> June 2010. <span style="background: white;">The existing 6(six) ADCs in Manipur were
Churachandpur; Chandel; Sadar Hills; Senapati; Ukhrul and Tamenglong. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Thus
the ADCs were revived with renewed hope and aspirations. But the road had been
not been smooth for the ADCs, as they complete their fourth year. Several
representations and memorandums on their grievances such as non devolution of
power have been placed before the state as well as Centre Government. Last week
( on 5 September) an odd twenty seven member delegates of the ADCs sat in
demonstrations in New Delhi to reiterate the demand for implementation of 6<sup>th</sup>
schedule; a “pending solution for over 30 years” according to the ADC delegates
. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">After
25 years the ADCs are back to square one as they remain in the same state of
affairs. They were bounded with limitations as they became a mere implementers
of a few of the development projects ( if any) of the state government . Most
of their activity comprise of monitoring rural primary schools, implementing
welfare schemes. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">According
to the 2008 (amendment ) Act, there were 26 subject and a new section 29 (A)
listed in the Principal Act that
provided the ADCs the power, functions and responsibilities, which the ADC
members alleged till today have not been devolved. . This include welfare,
resource management and development, while there is no mention of policy
matters, finance, judiciary and legislation.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In complete violation of the
Constitution article 371 (c ) the Hill Areas Committee ( HAC) decision were not
consider in full spirit and deed. Successive Hill Areas Committee, Manipur state
government had adopted resolutions for 6<sup>th</sup><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>schedule implementation. Beginning
from 1978, under the Chairmanship of Shri S.Adani the resolution was passed. A
re-affirmation followed in 1983 under Chairmanship of L.S John the then HAC
chairman. In 1990 it was placed before the State Assembly again under Shri
Dijuanang. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The role of the Governor of the
state, who is the care taker of the hill areas, is altogether another story.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Even as the ADCs remain non-existent
with neither election being held nor implementation of 6<sup>th</sup> Schedule,
the State Government under Shri R.K Ranbir Singh, the then Chief Minister, in
1991 came out with a new recommendation stating that the state government has
no objection for extending the 6<sup>th</sup> schedule provisions in the hill
areas with “certain local adjustment and amendments”. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">This,
according to the present ADC members caused further setback to the members and
the hill population at large. The <span lang="EN-US">ADCs and the civil society in the hills questioned the details of the
new addition in the clause and its intention. The centre government had
consistently been seeking for explanation of “ local adjustment and amendments”
. </span> <span lang="EN-US">In 2003 LK Advani , the then Deputy Prime
Minister and earlier other MHA officials have sought for furnishing details
regarding the matter from the state government. As of now, the reply of the
said queries or subject is not known nor report of the “explanations” available
in the public domain. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Given
the already apprehension of the Hill dwellers upon the non implementation of
the said 6<sup>th</sup> schedule it became even more imperative to raise doubts
and their concerns over the State Government’s intentions and silence over the
demands by the ADCs. As Shri
Mangchinkhup Guite , ADC member in his speech at the Jantar Mantar demonstration laments “ a memorandum of understanding for Oil
Exploration in our lands have been signed between Ju<span style="background: white;">bilant Oil
and Gas Pvt. Ltd and the Government without our knowledge, let alone our
consent” </span>In the recent years the issue of land records caused a stir in
Churachandpur Hill district in 2013 with the revelation of a total of its 134
village land record being maintained by the
Bishnupur valley district. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">As a matter of fact, the functioning
of ADCs , the local self government in the tribal hill areas is weak and abysmal.
As it stands, the implications of such a situation, the almost defunct key governance structure is indicative of a weak
democracy , rather a non existence of
governance in the hill areas and Manipur as a whole. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="background: white; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It may also be mentioned that subsequent to the ‘The Manipur
(Hill Areas) District Council Act 1971 passed in the Parliament, Manipur was
granted statehood in 1972. The first District Council elections were held in
1973 with 18 elected members and 2 nominated members in each council. Today
each district councils comprise of 24 elected and 2 nominated members. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Beside
the political suppressions of these grass root representation, basic
infrastructures of the ADCs are minimal and absent. Many of the ADCs in Manipur
hill areas do not have an office. Moreover most of them could not carry out
their responsibility due to security reasons. Nevertheless, they function under
high security cover from the capital Imphal. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">It
remains to be seen as the District Councils are renewing their hope of some
kind of a change and improvement in their status and condition with the new
Government in the centre.</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 8.05pt 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">While the Union Government is equally responsible for the
state of affairs of the Local Governing Bodies, the key matter lies in the
state government, as per Schedule seven of the Indian Constitution, local
government is a state subject. Moreover, according to the 73rd and 74th
constitutional amendments 1992, ratified by the State Governments, therefore
the state is accountable for implementation, monitoring and reforming structure
of the local self government. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In a
democratic country like India, the key to development of rural areas and
subsequent progress of a nation lies in vibrancy of this local self governance,
more commonly known as grassroot democracy. The unrest in the Tribal Hill Areas
in Manipur is basically due to the none functioning of this very basic
structure of governance, thus one of the key to a solution ( if not all) lies
in bringing this local self governments into the forefront as a foundation of
administration and governance. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 8.05pt 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 8.05pt 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">North East Sun </span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 8.05pt 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">September 16-30, 2014</span></div>
<div style="background: white; margin: 8.05pt 0cm;">
<o:p> </o:p><span style="background-color: transparent;">--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------</span></div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-63419959697619691882014-10-28T21:30:00.003-07:002014-10-28T21:30:31.190-07:00Rida’s Musical Folks Sing For Planet Earth <div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
She is only in her 30s but her music is ancient. Inspired by
nature and wildlife, she composes tunes along with her band of gifted folk
artistes from her home state Meghalaya, many of whom are in their 50s and 60s.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Meet Rida Gatphoh, founder, songwriter and lead singer of
'The Musical Folks', who tries to reach out to her people by studying and
documenting their work while writing and composing songs.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
“Even though most youngsters in my state are into high
voltage music, like rock, pop hip-hop and reggae, I have always preferred
traditional music. It’s been an intrinsic part of my life ever since I was a
little girl, as my mother, Preciously, is a folk singer.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
“I grew up listening to folk instruments, poetry and song
and started singing early in local bands. This continued even when I went to
Mumbai to pursue a degree in fashion designing,” shares Gatphoh.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
After she finished her studies, she did stick on for a few
years in the Maximum City designing clothes, but as she says, “I was not happy.
I longed to get back to my original passion, music.” And she did. Bag and
baggage she went back to Shillong.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
But instead of staying put there Gatphoh embarked on a journey
of the tranquil and lush Meghalaya countryside. “I travelled across different
villages in a bid to better understand my roots and connect with nature.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
“I soaked in the sounds of birds and other wild animals, and
heard countless folk tales and poems. All these inputs served as inspiration
and I began composing and writing songs,” she recalls.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Along the way, Gatphoh made many friends, many of whom are now a part of the
band, The Musical Folks, which she put together in 2010.</div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Her motley crew of musicians includes Bah Rojet Buhphang, a
recipient of the Ustad Bismallah Khan Yuva Pushkar in 2007 for his contribution
to traditional music of Meghalaya; Bah S. Malngiang, co-founder of Sieng Riti
Institute for folk music in Wahkhen, East Khasi Hills; Peter Marbaniang, a
ceramic artist and a duitara and guitar player; composer and guitarist Amarnath
Hazarika; Sean Menzies Nongrum, who plays bom and brass; bamboo flautist
Benedict Skhemlang Hynniewta; Risingbor Kurkalang, who plays the duitara
maryngoh; and Shaun Nonghuloo Morehead, the drummer and Ksing player.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The crew combines their creative energies and talent to put
up an authentic Khasi show, complete with a Pyrta Shnong, or traditional
announcer, who kicks off the proceedings that include a Phawar Mei Mariang
(fable for mother nature), Kshaid Nohsngithiang (song), U Sier Lapaing (a
musical story-telling session) U PhiangJyrngam (poetry recitation), Ka
Sohlyngem (ballad), Leitphaishaiing (children’s song), Shad (Khasi dance) and
Kyntanglawai (farewell poem) – all of which are set to the tune of traditional
instruments.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Gatphoh feels fortunate to have found so many traditional
music practitioners for her group although convincing them to join her in her
efforts to revive the forgotten styles was not easy. Usually, village music
groups are quite informal and non commercial, which was how they were all used
to playing. Moreover, many of them are old and hail from remote
locations so getting them to open up to the idea of transforming their approach
took time. “Some of my team members are around 60 years old. It took some time
for them to wrap their heads around the concept of a formal band that would
travel and showcase our local fare to the outside world,” she reveals.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
According to Gatphoh, The Musical Folks is always searching
for “the ideal way to create a meaningful experience for the new listener while
retaining a high degree of artistic integrity”. She says, “The stories we share
are open-ended making our interaction spontaneous and giving us an infinite
range of expression. They are an intimate exploration designed to reveal the
natural communication of music and art and highlight a specific form of nature
as a subject of celebration and inquiry.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The artiste’s works are weaved around nature and the
environment. “I strongly believe that mankind must take its cue from nature.
Through our music, we are attempting to encourage people to think of the world
in which we live today and see how our collective actions are affecting planet
earth.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
She feels that everyone must take time out from their
extremely busy schedules to connect with nature. “Have you ever heard the sound
of frogs? Noticed that every bird has its own distinct chirp? If you observe
intently, there are many different sounds and tunes in nature. And they all
vary from place to place and depending upon the time of day. Music is there and
will always be there in all things natural,” she adds, thoughtfully.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Folk music truly captures the essence of the bond between
man and nature and while many may call this style raw and lacking in
sophistication, Gatphoh argues that there is “purity, originality and beauty in
its complex notes”.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
She elaborates, “What we present through our shows is just
the tip of the iceberg. Our repertoire of indigenous musical practices is vast.
There are many aspects that simply cannot be performed on stage and we haven’t
tried to do that.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Unlike many of her peers, Gatphoh has delved into the realm
of history to spark a revival. “In a sense, I am going backwards,” she laughs,
“I insist on bringing the old and forgotten musical trends back into vogue.
Sadly, today’s generation is hung up on newer, more western styles, which is
not bad but one does need to preserve one’s past as well,” she days.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Gatphoh admits that there are no huge crowds at her shows,
rather a loyal group of followers. But that in no way deters her from pursuing
her goal. On their part, however, the band and she make a conscious effort to
remain relevant. “Though we do not have much monetary support,” she says, “our
works have become popular through word of mouth, and we have performed in
several cities in India. I have understood the fact that we don’t belong to the
commercial world. The team’s instruments are handmade, our music is not
digitised or polished, which is a statement in itself.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Ultimately, for Gatphoh, her music is very personal; “it’s a
feeling, a journey and a connection with my audiences and, of course, with
nature”. Here’s her ode to Mother Nature:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
“Let’s have a meaningful interaction,</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
And reason out with balance</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Have a natural healing</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Healing for the human, non human</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Healing for the soul</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The ocean and the sky</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The mountains and the valleys…"</div>
<br />
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Women's Feature Service</div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
October 2014</div>
ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-27779053938771647152014-10-28T21:25:00.001-07:002014-10-28T21:25:46.848-07:00Malicious Mainland <div id="singleStory" style="color: #616060; font-family: Lora; font-size: 13px; line-height: 20px;">
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
People from the North-east continue to feel unsafe in Delhi and other metropolises despite the Centre’s assurance to provide them helplines. This month alone three incidents took place. An engineering student from Manipur and two friends were beaten up in Bangalore for not speaking Kannada. Two students from Nagaland were assaulted in Gurgaon. A girl from Mizoram was found dead in her rented Munirka room under mysterious circumstances.</div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
<br />Here is a list of incidents in the national capital over the years, drawn from media reports:<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 8 May 2005, a 20-year-old Delhi University student and her friend were abducted from Daula Kuan (South Delhi). While her friend escaped, she was gang-raped in a moving car by four men. Only one person, Ajit Singh Katiyar, was arrested. He was sentenced to 14 years’ rigorous imprisonment in December 2009. The defence counsel is said to have challenged the order in a higher court.</div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
<br />On 24 November 2010, a 30-year-old BPO employee and her friend were abducted at gun point on their way home in Moti Bagh, South Delhi. While her friend escaped and alerted the girl’s relatives, the victim was gang-raped by five men in a truck. The court reportedly ordered payment of Rs 1.5 lakh as compensation for the survivor in May 2014. A Delhi court sentenced the five men to life imprisonment. Except these two cases in which the accused were punished, many others are pending.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
In the wee hours of 3 December 2008, the landlord and his men knocked on the door of the room rented by two women from Manipur, asking them to pay rent. This happened in Sikenderpur, Gurgaon (NCR). Their plea that payment would be made early the next morning was of no avail. The landlord broke into the room, abused and assaulted them. Somehow the two managed to ring up their friends who lived nearly and they came to their rescue. The status of the case is not known.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 17 April 2009, a six-year-old girl from Manipur was allegedly raped and murdered at Mahipalpur, South Delhi. At noon, she was said to have gone to the terrace of their rented house to dry clothes. When she did not return her mother went up to look for her. After more than half an hour’s search, the mother found her daughter’s body inside the water tank of an adjacent building. The body was sent to Spinal Injury Centre, Vasantkunj, where it was confirmed that she had been raped and murdered. The case is pending.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 4 October 2009, around 11.20 pm, 19-year-old Ramchanphy Hongray from Manipur was raped and murdered in her sister’s rented room in Munirka, Delhi. She had come to visit her sister and when the latter had left for work, Pushpa Kumar, an IIT student, forced his way into her room and allegedly raped and murdered her.<br />To make it look like a case of suicide, he reportedly poured kerosene over her body and set it on fire. In July 2010, the court framed charges against the accused for murder and tampering with the evidence. The case is pending.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 29 May 2013, a 21-year-old beautician from Manipur was found dead under mysterious circumstances in her rented flat at Delhi’s Chirag. No one was arrested. The case was handed over to the CBI following strong protests. <br />o In January 2014, teenaged student Nido Tania from Arunachal succumbed to injuries after being beaten up by some shopkeepers of Lajpat Nagar. Nido had gone to the area with three friends and was looking for an address when someone at a sweet shop began mocking his hairstyle. Nido responded by breaking a glass door of the sweetshop. Twenty-two-year-old Farman, 27-year-old Akram and 27-year-old Pawan were booked. In May, the CBI dropped charges of murder, saying the accused had no intention of killing him. The status of the case is not known.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
In February 2014, two women from Manipur, Chonmila and Jajo, were assaulted and abused by a group of youths in South Delhi’s Kotla Mubarakpur area. According to complaints by the two women, when one of the culprits tied the leash of his dog to Chonmila’s boots, she panicked and in a bid to free herself she kicked the dog. Seeing this, the men started beating her up. When Jajo tried to intervene, she too was thrashed by the men who allegedly passed racist comments. There are no reports of any arrest and the case is pending.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 7 February 2004, a 14-year-old girl from Manipur was raped by her landlord’s son in South Delhi’s Munirka. It was reported that when she was making some purchases the culprit — Vicky — allegedly accosted her and forced her to a nearby room and raped her. The girl is said to have received compensation but it is not known whether the culprit has been booked.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 22 May 2004 at 10 pm, when a woman from Nagaland was returning home after alighting at Vishwavidyalaya Metro station, a man followed her, passed lewed remarks, caught her and started molesting her near Delhi University. When she resisted she was slapped. Some passers-by overpowered the molester and handed him over to the police. At the police station, it was revealed that he was a lawyer from Tis Hazari Courts.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
The next day, some NE students accompanied the woman to the Tis Hazari Court to record her statement. But they were attacked by a group of lawyers. Naga Students’ Union president Maivio J Woba, Zeliangrong Students’ Union president Rachubui Pamei and advocate Liyi were assaulted. The matter is yet to be placed in the court.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 30 June 2014, a woman entrepreneur living in Gurgaon was harassed and intimidated by a man who identified himself as a RAW official. He allegedly barged into her room, interrogated and accused her of indulging in anti- social activities. The status of the case is not known.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 5 -6 July 2014, 28-year-old Wilungbou Chawang was found dead in the Chirag Dilli area. The body was fished out from a nullah after locals reported the matter to the police. His younger brother filed a complaint at the Malviya Nagar police station. Investigation is yet to begin.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On 21 July 2014, a Manipuri youth was beaten to death by a group of youths in South Delhi’s Kotla Mubarakpur area.<br />Incidents in other cities include:<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
On the evening of 13 August 2005 in Mumbai, a man attacked two girls from Manipur while they were taking pictures and feeding pigeons at the Gateway of India. Twenty-three-year-old Leishichon died on the spot while her friend Ngahuimi Raleng was severely injured. According to the police, the attacker, 27-year-old Juner Patel, was mentally unstable. The Maharashtra government reportedly paid compensation to the victim’s family.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
In October 2010, the Goa police rescued 11 Naga and Mizo girls from a beauty parlour at Povorim, alleging that the owner of the parlour was running a flesh trade. According to the police, the case came to light after the girls fled the parlour and informed their parents back home, who in turn informed their respective state forces. Both the girls and the owner have denied charges against them.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
Following this incident, it was made mandatory for people from the North-east to report to the police for verification, particularly those women working in beauty parlours and private enterprises in Goa. Some who went to report alleged that they were asked weird questions, some with innuendos such as “whether you are from Nagaland in connection with the case or whether you have come to Goa for the same job”.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
In August 2012, Bangalore witnessed a mass exodus of North-easternes following threats via social media networking telling them to leave. Thousands working in Pune, Bangalore, Mumbai and Hyderabad left.<br /></div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
Legislation, quick disposal of cases and stringent punishment are desirable to effectively curb racial violence against North-easterners.<br /><br />The writer is A Delhi-based freelance contributor</div>
<div style="padding: 3.390625px 0px; text-align: justify;">
The Statesman, NE page, October 27,2014</div>
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ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-10556229102824333622014-10-06T23:53:00.003-07:002014-11-15T18:14:34.504-08:00For Rini and Valentina Singing is their Job , their Life They enjoy performing live, in a group or solo, at music concerts and in
star hotels across Delhi and the National Capital Region. For many, it
is a profession that has ensured them a decent living in the city. But
even though music comes naturally to the youth from the north east -
they do not need any formal training as there's usually a vocalist,
guitarist or drummer in the family whom they have grown up watching -
there are various challenges that they have to contend with as they move
from gig to gig.<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Singing is in Valentina Gangte’s blood. A
native of Lamka in Manipur, she spent her childhood in Mizoram where
her Sundays were dedicated to singing in the church choir along with her
elder sister. During those days, her aunts were popular as professional
crooners and today her sister, cousins and she have followed in their
footsteps. In her mid-thirties, Valentina has been in Delhi since the
late 1990s, ever since she moved here to pursue higher education. She
started her singing career at 20 as part of a local band, ‘Illusion and
West Wind’, and then went solo from 2008. Apart from being a superb
vocalist she is proficient at the keyboard as well. “I have been singing
for 16 years now. In fact, I am pretty sure that I am possibly amongst
the first professional female solo performers from the north east in the
Capital,” she says, her voice ringing with immense pride. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Being one of the leading female singers
from the north east Valentina has no paucity of work these days.
However, that does not mean that it’s been easygoing for her. Unlike
most of her friends, who are employed in more formal jobs, her schedule
as well as her earnings are erratic, she has to keep a close watch on
the contracts drawn with hotels and resto-bars that book her shows, she
needs to keep abreast with the tastes of the audiences and, in a city
like Delhi, she cannot hope to get home before the wee hours of the
morning, which increases her vulnerability to violence and abuse.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Though there are quite a few singers,
musicians and bands from the north east in the city, according to
Valentina “many have been forced to put an end to their musical dreams,
as just one’s love for music is not enough to keep things going”. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Rini Fanai, who hails from Churachandpur
district in Manipur, agrees with Valentina’s observations. In her late
20s now, she had moved to Delhi in 2007 as a student but very soon found
herself well entrenched in the local musical scene. She has been in
demand as a vocalist since the last six years even though she has had no
formal training. “My father is a musician so I guess my talent is a
gift from him. In Delhi though, one cannot survive on talent alone.
There is a lot of competition and one needs to be updated on the latest
songs. Moreover, safeguarding ourselves from unfair contracts is also
important. We cannot afford to be lenient there,” she shares. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For Rini and Valentina, their daily
schedule is fairly straightforward: for six days a week, every evening
they make their way to the resto-bar or hotel that has hired them to
perform. Rarely do they get to call it a day before late at night.
Obviously then there are serious safety issues that they contend with on
an everyday basis, which is why drawing up a formal deal is crucial. “I
always make sure that transportation is included in the agreement.
There may not be pick-up if the venue is close by or if I am performing
in a group, but I ensure that there is a drop provided after the show,”
reveals Rini.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Money and the number of shows are
pre-decided as well. Says Valentina, “I work out an arrangement for a
minimum of six months to a year and manage to make a decent monthly
income .Initially, when I had
started out, there were times when I used to get paid even a month or
two after the show but experience has made me wiser. I insist on a time
limit nowadays.” Of course, no amount of caution can
mitigate all the problems. Rini can recall numerous instances when she
started working before the official signing of a contract only to later
find herself out of work and without payment for the performances
rendered. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Valentina and Rini agree that the
managements in three- and five-hotels are very professional in their
dealings. “Whether it is about the payment, the ambience or crowd
control, the hotels manage things well. On the rare occasions that
someone misbehaves with us or passes an indecent remark, they
immediately take care of the situation,” elaborates Rini. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Apart from these external pressures,
personally they have to pay attention to various aspects on which the
course of their entire career is dependent. For starters, they have to
diligently maintain their voice quality. Only with the utmost care and
regular practice sessions can this work out well. Then there is the need
to be constantly in sync with current music scene. “We have to be
abreast with the flavour of the season and include newer songs in our
repertoire. This requires a lot of practice and careful market watching.
Performance-wise I do make a conscious effort to get the tune and
pronunciation as close to the original as is possible,” says Valentina. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
While mostly their work is well-received
Rini admits that sometimes there are complaints from the managements.
“It does happen but we always take feedback in a positive way and try
and do better. What I do keep in mind is that I am presentable at all
times and in-sync with the hottest trends. Personally, I prefer
performing at a resto-bar where the crowd is more chilled out and
encouraging. It makes the experience that much more rewarding and fun,”
she adds.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
They are like mini rock stars – they
have an image to uphold, songs to prepare, shows to conceptualise and
fans to fend off. But it comes at a price. “Being a singer and musician
can be quite creatively fulfilling. Nevertheless, this career comes with
a lot of peripheral baggage that can really overwhelm the artist in me.
Will I give it up for a more stable opportunity? Never!” signs off
Valentina, with a gentle smile. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Women's Feature Services </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
September 2014</div>
ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-91333713380800075612014-09-01T00:57:00.000-07:002014-09-01T00:57:33.116-07:00Bio-Pic Blues EtcA film on the life of
Mary Kom is all set to hit theatres on 5 September. The five-time world
boxing champion from Manipur will be played by Bollywood actress
Priyanka Chopra, a former Miss World. <br />
<br />
Given the already overwhelming responses in social networking sites, the
film is expected to be a major box office success. On the distaff side,
however, were reactions pouring in from several quarters questioning
the choice of the lead role by director Omung Kumar and producer Sanjay
Leela Bhansali. The obvious questions and reactions are why was no
actress from the North-east chosen for the role; Priyanka Chopra does
in no way look like Mary Kom! <br />
<br />
Ironically, in Mary’s home state of Manipur cinemas cannot screen Hindi
films after militant outfits in September 2000 issued diktats to this
effect. The reason? Bollywood is undermining the state’s cultural
values. <br />
<br />
Another completely different and intriguing story of cinema lies in
Mary’s native place, the hill district of Churachandpur, in south
Manipur. She was born in Kangathei, where her parents still live, and
spent the best part of her childhood there. Two theatres — Churachandpur
Cinema Hall and Lighthouse — were closed in June 1997 following ethnic
clashes between Zomis and Kukis. When violence broke out on the fateful
day of 24 June, paramilitary forces were rushed to the area. Life stood
still — schools and markets were closed and work in hospitals was
affected. According to official records, the violence claimed 352 lives,
left 136 injured and over 4,670 houses were set on fire.<br />
<br />
Paramilitary forces occupied both the cinemas. Until then, Churachandpur
— the second largest district — was peaceful, vibrant and the most
diverse, with over 20 ethnic groups living in peace and harmony. For
over a year, curfew was enforced. Gun-shots, gas cylinder explosions and
wailing sirens replaced the guitars and music the locals were fond of. <br />
After a year of violence, the district limped back to normality, but the
two cinemas never came alive. While one of the halls has become a busy
market complex, the other is still under occupation of the BSF.<br />
<br />
Today, Manipur’s hills and valley are more or less quiet and there is no
major upheaval over the banning of the screening of Hindi movies. Until
now, despite several attempts by filmmakers and the Mary Kom film crew,
they are yet to receive any response from the state government for
screening of films.<br />
<br />
There is a mixed response. People have applauded the initiative to bring
Mary’s life to the big screen and are anxious to see how Priyanka
Chopra justifies the role. The first of its kind in Bollywood, it may
not be wrong to assume that the film is experimental.<br />
<br />
Before the start of the actual shooting, Chopra went to Imphal, visited
Mary Kom’s house and met her family. Mary’s pictures, with Manipuri-Kom
traditional attire, and her twin boys were quite a sensation. The visit,
however, did not make an impression. Several stills of the film,
however, show that Chopra made serious attempts to “become” Mary. As
things stand, the film is unlikely to be screened in Manipur, but
hoardings have already come up on roadsides and the main markets. Girls
enjoy taking pictures with the posters and hoardings in the background.
And even if the film cannot be screened, it is bound to be popular on
the Internet. <br />
<br />
Meanwhile, movie-lovers in Churachandpur fondly remember the Hollywood
and Bollywood movies they watched in the cinemas in Lamka town. Many
still recall the last movie they watched in Churachandpur Cinema Hall or
Lighthouse. Those evergreen Bollywood melodies still bring back
nostalgic memories for many of the district’s inhabitants.<br />
<br />
The most important message in the Mary Kom film is the struggle of a
less-advantaged woman from the remote periphery of the North-east. The
stronger message is the grit and determination of Mary Kom who, despite
these disadvantages, made it big in the world of sports and became an
ambassador of her state and the country, touching the hearts of
thousands across India. <br />
Perhaps the biggest question — not to forget the overriding message — is
whether the film based on the iconic Mary Kom’s journey will see the
reopening of cinemas in Churachandpur. <br />
<br />
The writer is A Delhi-based freelance contributorninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1052719212316938018.post-50299380154791382422014-06-02T05:30:00.000-07:002014-06-02T05:30:09.283-07:00Japanese filmmaker’s ‘Imphal 1944′ set for Imphal premiere<div class="rdr_live_hover" rdr-hash="7d6663601bce22e7d473d0875103e7cc" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
“Imphal 1944″, a short film based on World War II by London-based Japanese actor and filmmaker Junichi Kajioka, will be premiered at the closing ceremony of the 70th Anniversary Commemoration of the Battle of Imphal (WWII) here June 28.</div>
<div class="rdr_live_hover" rdr-hash="7d6663601bce22e7d473d0875103e7cc" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
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<div class="rdr_indicator rdr_indicator_for_text rdr_helper rdr_no_reactions" id="rdr_indicator_7d6663601bce22e7d473d0875103e7cc" style="-webkit-user-select: none; border: none; color: #666666; cursor: pointer; display: inline-block; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; left: 0px; margin: 0px; opacity: 0.4; padding: 0px; position: relative; top: 0px; vertical-align: top; visibility: visible; white-space: nowrap; z-index: 11000;">
<div class="rdr rdr_indicator_body " id="rdr_indicator_body_7d6663601bce22e7d473d0875103e7cc" style="-webkit-user-select: none; border: none; display: inline; left: 4px; margin: 0px; min-height: 16px; overflow: hidden; padding: 0px; position: absolute; top: 0px; width: 16px; z-index: 11000;">
<img class="no-rdr rdr_pin" src="http://s3.amazonaws.com/readrboard/widget/images/blank.png" style="-webkit-user-select: none; background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: url(http://s3.amazonaws.com/readrboard/widget/images/readr_icons.png); background-origin: initial; background-position: 1px -1px; background-repeat: no-repeat; background-size: initial; border: none; box-shadow: none; box-sizing: border-box; display: inline; left: auto; line-height: 1em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: absolute; top: auto; vertical-align: inherit; width: auto; z-index: 11000;" /><span class="rdr_count" style="-webkit-user-select: none; border: none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #888888; display: inline; font-size: 11px; font-weight: bold; left: 0px; line-height: 16px; margin: 0px 0px 0px 13px; padding: 4px 8px 4px 4px; position: relative; top: 0px; width: auto; z-index: 11000;"><span class="rdr_react_label" style="-webkit-user-select: none; border: none; box-sizing: border-box; color: #666666; cursor: pointer; display: inline; font-size: 12px; left: 0px; line-height: 1em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; top: 0px; width: auto; z-index: 11000;">What do you think?</span></span></div>
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<div rdr-hash="68d1e77fed4f7cd820bf8eb080d9e665" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
The Battle of Imphal and Kohima (between March 8, 1944 – July 3, 1944) was among Britain’s greatest battles in the Second World War.</div>
<div rdr-hash="68d1e77fed4f7cd820bf8eb080d9e665" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
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<div rdr-hash="2f976df19c40860b01c0e57ad1fc7ce0" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
The story carries the message of friendship between old enemies, said Kajioka. Later, the film, about Manipur and its people who helped the soldiers thus helping many of them survive the battle, will be shown at other film festivals around the globe, informed actor-director Kajioka in an email interaction.</div>
<div rdr-hash="2f976df19c40860b01c0e57ad1fc7ce0" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
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<div rdr-hash="85f66668fe75ee779a3739414ae8024e" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
The film, inspired by the life of Japanese war veteran Masao Hirakubo, OBE (Order of the British Empire), who fought in the battle of Imphal, is dedicated to the people who lost their lives there, said the first time director.</div>
<div rdr-hash="85f66668fe75ee779a3739414ae8024e" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
<br /></div>
<div rdr-hash="658ee5e99313d16b67c1c8d77959fdb4" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
Hirakubo, who joined the Japanese Army in 1942, fought the one of fiercest struggles in World War II – the Burma Campaign – before retiring as a lieutenant.</div>
<div rdr-hash="fb724cd4b9aa5cfceaaae4d581480e44" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
<br /></div>
<div rdr-hash="fb724cd4b9aa5cfceaaae4d581480e44" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
Kajioka, who researched and wrote the story, was touched by Hirakubo’s words: “We are made alive by the wishes of the war dead. It doesn’t matter whether they are British or Japanese, those who survived are members of the same group. Survivors from both sides can share the same grief for their fallen comrades.”</div>
<div rdr-hash="f726bbccad61cb44a846a7f9a5cb1ce4" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
<br /></div>
<div rdr-hash="f726bbccad61cb44a846a7f9a5cb1ce4" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
In an interview to BBC in London, Hirakubo in 2004, probably his last interview, recalled the epitaph on the memorial in Kohima in the neighbouring state of Nagaland – “When you go home, tell them of us and say, for their tomorrow, we gave our today.” – that summed up his sentiments on martyrs.</div>
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The battles of Kohima and Imphal battles, which marked the highpoint of the Japanese forces advance into India, claimed the lives of 30,000 Japanese, left 23,000 and 600 were captured. Among the 50,000 support troops, there were 15,000 casualties.</div>
<div rdr-hash="22efc2d46e63e4364d807de78013b1e8" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
<br /></div>
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On the other hand, the Allies suffered 17,500 casualties.</div>
<div class="" rdr-hash="8d34ec45f7efd46b71164f2f4c0319bc" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
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When he returned home to Yokohama in 1946 after the war ended, Hirakubo found his family home destroyed by Allied bombing. He then went to London and rebuilt his life.</div>
<div class="" rdr-hash="b1187fb3c11841edf3d0add518a595d0" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
<br /></div>
<div class="" rdr-hash="b1187fb3c11841edf3d0add518a595d0" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
But the war veteran did not just retire from life, he revisited Burma and northeast region in India several times, not for war but for peace, re-building lives and carrying out re-conciliation works. This led to the conferring of the Beritish award to him.</div>
<div class="" rdr-hash="b1885c30c743e3e77eef8940ccb67e7a" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
<br /></div>
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The founder of Burma Campaign Society (BCS) tirelessly devoted his later life to reconciliation between Britain and Japan. He died in 2008 at the age of 88.</div>
<div class="" rdr-hash="94c6be5e68f7bded28bf24e8227e7940" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
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Kajioka says “Imphal 1944″ aims to be a symbol of peace between Britain, Japan and Manipur.</div>
<div class="" rdr-hash="fd4e9a0a97d22e3d4019ba018fac7eac" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
The actor-director feels the 150-year-anniversary celebrations of Japan-Britain diplomatic relations is a statement of peace and friendship.</div>
<div rdr-hash="5cdd1b22d3f789bfe28aef21187edb37" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
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“The desire for peace is universal,” he said.</div>
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The battle of Imphal brought to Kajioka’s attention many untold stories of the battle between the Japanese and Allied forces and now he is bringing lesser known battles of the World War II to a wider audience.</div>
<div class="" rdr-hash="0ed9689ec8db7b329b659b33be1b338e" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
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Kajioka feels that there is a growing international interest in good cinema, whether it is a story of the periphery or mainstream. “A good film can capture some of the unique essence of a culture and a place and tell very powerful stories,” he said, stressing war films are not only about killings, but also about powerful messages of peace and reconciliation.</div>
<div class="" rdr-hash="b13e3ce5c397356b685c693b0e399918" rdr-hasindicator="true" rdr-node="true" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, san-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;">
<br /></div>
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Kajioka acted in films such as “47 Ronin” starring Keanu Reeves and “The Flowers of War” starring Christian Bale. He will also be the leading actor in “My Japanese Niece”, a film by Manipuri filmmaker Mohen Naorem, currently in pre-production stage. </div>
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IANS </div>
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June 2,2014</div>
ninglun hanghalhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02764708301477301226noreply@blogger.com0