SPREAD across nine acres in Dwarka, west Delhi, the recently inaugurated first-ever Centre for North-eastern Culture – meant specifically for the North-east population residing in the national capital — has an auditorium and a lecture hall for formal functions, with an open lawn for recreation and outdoor activities. Its setting up is in response to fears expressed by North-easterners over the continued attacks by locals or “mainland Indians” aimed specifically at their womenfolk in Delhi.
A joint collaboration of the North Eastern Council and Cultural Resources and Training, it was the outcome of several discussions and meetings with students, North-east representatives and the Delhi government, including the Prime Minister. The objective is to bridge the gap of knowledge and understanding, culture, traditions. “We all need to learn from each other,” said Kumari Selja, Union minister for culture and housing and urban poverty alleviation, at the inaugural function. She said the centre would serve as a “hub” of interaction.
As of now, it is a mere infrastructure, waiting for North-easterners, Delhi locals, mainland Indians and the government to transform it into a centre of diversity and learning to bridge the psychological distance. Significantly, the inauguration was held in commemoration of the peace accord signed in 1986 between the Mizo National Front (represented by Laldenga), the government of India and the Mizoram government (represented by the then home secretary and chief secretary, respectively). Twenty-five years down the line, Mizoram today is the most peaceful state in the country. The peace accord, therefore, was also applauded as being the most successful of its kind, not only in India but in all of south Asia.
In its march to development, Mizoram today figures as the second highest in literacy, with a record 91.85 per cent. It is also the only state in the country that has a unique airport (Lengpui) on top of a mountain, with many hill streams running below the runway.
Though many Mizos still remember the mautaam — the great famine and the hardships faced during the two decades of a bloody conflict (Mizoram is the first and only place where an aerial attack was carried out by the the Indian Air Force on rebels) — they have now become masters of their own destiny. They wrote (mizoram.nic.in). “Mizoram is our homeland, it is not given or gifted, not acquired, or bought, nor made, but a historic creation of the collective enterprise of people; bodily, spiritually, morally over a span of generations...”
True, Mizoram’s return to normality has involved a collective process, by the government, the rebels and most, importantly, the Church and traditional civil bodies such as the Young Mizo Association.
It was, indeed, touching to see a black and white photograph of Laldenga being greeted by
Mizos in Aizawl. Also noteworthy was the public welcome for surrendered militants, with prayers held across Mizoram, and their integration into the mainstream after Mizo leaders warned against any discrimination against MNF cadres.
In contrast lies the rest of North-east India, where “unrest” continues. In the past decades, Manipur, Nagaland, Assam and Tripura have witnessed violence on an everyday basis.
However, Union minister for Development of North-east Region Paban Singh Ghatowar says other states in the area are also on the path of peace and that currently most of the rebels/insurgent groups are engaged in talks with the Centre.
To be fair, agreements and accords do not come easy. As in the case of Mizoram, the process went through several trials. The first attempt was made in 1968 by church leaders and it failed. In 1974, another attempt by then chief minister Pu Ch. Chhunga was unsuccessful. An effort initiated by the Church and political parties in 1983 fell through and, finally, the MNF leadership agreed to a ceasefire and the negotiation process began from 1984 that culminated in a peace accord in 1986.
But this accord was, per se, not what brought peace to Mizoram. It was the aftermath of the “signed” agreement, during which the two parties and the key stakeholders — the people of Mizoram – made sure the accord was honoured in word, letter and spirit — and practised.
If Mizoram today is peaceful, there is no reason why other states of the region cannot strive for the same experience. The Centre-NSCN(IM) talks have been going on for 15 years now and the Delhi-Ulfa dialogue has not registered much progress since the first formal meeting started on 10 February 2011. But if the participants on either side of the table, as also traditional and civil bodies put in a genuine effort, peace will not be far away for other North-east states.
The Statesman
February 13, 2012
Dam protest unites Kukis and kindred spirits in Myanmar
LAST month, Kuki women from Manipur demonstrated in New Delhi to show solidarity with kindred spirits in Myanmar (Sagaing division) who are demanding that construction of the Tamanthi Dam be stopped. Many Myanmarese refugees living in the capital also participated. Tamanthi Dam, a hydel project on the Chindwin river, is being built by the National Hydroelectric Project Corporation of India and Colenco Power Engineering Ltd, Switzerland, at an estimated cost of $3 billion. The dam will be 80 metres high and, when completed, will have an installed capacity of 1,200 MW.
India and Myanmar signed a memorandum of understanding to this effect in 2004. The Chindwin is a tributary of the Irrawady river that originates from Hukawng Valley of Kachin state and flows through Sagaing division. Its catchment areas are in Mizoram and Manipur. When completed, the project will supply power to Myanmar and also India’s North-east border states.
Already 2,000 villagers have been displaced and another 45,000 are likely to be affected as and when work progresses. The victims are the indigenous Kuki communities who depend entirely on the fertile farmland of the Chindwin riverine areas for cultivation. The demonstrators alleged that there were no livelihood options in the relocated site, nor had they been given any proper rehabilitation package. They were offered compensation of just five dollars for the loss of their land. Villagers also alleged that their settlements were literally bulldozed. A total 2,500 acres in Leivomjang and 3,500 acres in Tazone villages have already been forcefully acquired.
Displaced villagers were relocated in the nearby forest areas. Tamanthi village in Sagaing division also lies close to the biodiversity hot spot called the Tamanthi Wildlife Reserve that provides sanctuary to numerous wildlife, many of which are endangered species. The Sumatran Rhinoceros (Didermocherus sumatrensis) and the Javan Rhinoceros (Rhinoceros sondaicus) are said to have already become extinct.
The area is earthquake-prone. Last year, quakes measuring 6.4 and 5.5 on the Richter scale shook the Indo-Myanmarese border twice in February 2010, their epicentres being in west Myanmar. Mizoram and Manipur were also rocked. Banca, a Myanmar NGO, is said to have submitted an incomplete Environmental Impact Assessment report (conducted in 2006), for lack of time. In any case, the report does not seem to have much relevance given that construction is already underway even if, after more than seven years, the Timanthi Dam is yet to take shape.
For India, such mega dams are signs of economic development and added value. In May last year, India’s ambassador to Myanmar reportedly wrote to then foreign secretary Nirupama Rao saying that “the delay is affecting our image and is seen as confirming local (mis)perceptions about Indian companies”. This also comes at a time when India is seen as the main “climate deal broker” at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change-Cop 17. Pressured after two weeks’ of negotiation, India agreed to an “agreement” for emission cuts from 2020.
The “equity” deal in the politik of climate change no longer works for India, which figures among the main carbon emitters. India should also realise that “equity” or commitment for domestic reduction on carbon emission is neither permission to exercise a free hand along the borders over its neighbours’ forests, rivers, people and wildlife habitats.
It may be noted that many ethnic communities from Myanmar have taken refuge across the Indian border states of Manipur and Mizoram. The junta’s repressive rule displaced many Myanmarese citizens. A publication of the Burma Rivers Network states that these communities, inhabitating the Indo-Myanmarese borders, were allegedly described as “foreigners” by the military regime. In 1968, during the reign of General Ne Win, about 20,000 Kukis from 60 villages in northwest Myanmar were asked to leave the country.
A recent estimate by Refugee International reveals that there are about 100,000 Myanmarese refugees in the North-east, particularly in Mizoram and Manipur. Every year, about 500 of them, from mostly ethnic communities, make their way to Delhi.
India’s commitment to reduce global warming and its emergence among the global players of “climate change” could well be strengthened by committing itself to care for nature and human lives in these sensitive border areas. It would help a long way in solving the acute problems that continue to rage in the region. Perhaps India would have to cater to an additional influx of “climate refugees” joining the thousands of political exiles in the country.
The Statesman
January 16, 2012
India and Myanmar signed a memorandum of understanding to this effect in 2004. The Chindwin is a tributary of the Irrawady river that originates from Hukawng Valley of Kachin state and flows through Sagaing division. Its catchment areas are in Mizoram and Manipur. When completed, the project will supply power to Myanmar and also India’s North-east border states.
Already 2,000 villagers have been displaced and another 45,000 are likely to be affected as and when work progresses. The victims are the indigenous Kuki communities who depend entirely on the fertile farmland of the Chindwin riverine areas for cultivation. The demonstrators alleged that there were no livelihood options in the relocated site, nor had they been given any proper rehabilitation package. They were offered compensation of just five dollars for the loss of their land. Villagers also alleged that their settlements were literally bulldozed. A total 2,500 acres in Leivomjang and 3,500 acres in Tazone villages have already been forcefully acquired.
Displaced villagers were relocated in the nearby forest areas. Tamanthi village in Sagaing division also lies close to the biodiversity hot spot called the Tamanthi Wildlife Reserve that provides sanctuary to numerous wildlife, many of which are endangered species. The Sumatran Rhinoceros (Didermocherus sumatrensis) and the Javan Rhinoceros (Rhinoceros sondaicus) are said to have already become extinct.
The area is earthquake-prone. Last year, quakes measuring 6.4 and 5.5 on the Richter scale shook the Indo-Myanmarese border twice in February 2010, their epicentres being in west Myanmar. Mizoram and Manipur were also rocked. Banca, a Myanmar NGO, is said to have submitted an incomplete Environmental Impact Assessment report (conducted in 2006), for lack of time. In any case, the report does not seem to have much relevance given that construction is already underway even if, after more than seven years, the Timanthi Dam is yet to take shape.
For India, such mega dams are signs of economic development and added value. In May last year, India’s ambassador to Myanmar reportedly wrote to then foreign secretary Nirupama Rao saying that “the delay is affecting our image and is seen as confirming local (mis)perceptions about Indian companies”. This also comes at a time when India is seen as the main “climate deal broker” at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change-Cop 17. Pressured after two weeks’ of negotiation, India agreed to an “agreement” for emission cuts from 2020.
The “equity” deal in the politik of climate change no longer works for India, which figures among the main carbon emitters. India should also realise that “equity” or commitment for domestic reduction on carbon emission is neither permission to exercise a free hand along the borders over its neighbours’ forests, rivers, people and wildlife habitats.
It may be noted that many ethnic communities from Myanmar have taken refuge across the Indian border states of Manipur and Mizoram. The junta’s repressive rule displaced many Myanmarese citizens. A publication of the Burma Rivers Network states that these communities, inhabitating the Indo-Myanmarese borders, were allegedly described as “foreigners” by the military regime. In 1968, during the reign of General Ne Win, about 20,000 Kukis from 60 villages in northwest Myanmar were asked to leave the country.
A recent estimate by Refugee International reveals that there are about 100,000 Myanmarese refugees in the North-east, particularly in Mizoram and Manipur. Every year, about 500 of them, from mostly ethnic communities, make their way to Delhi.
India’s commitment to reduce global warming and its emergence among the global players of “climate change” could well be strengthened by committing itself to care for nature and human lives in these sensitive border areas. It would help a long way in solving the acute problems that continue to rage in the region. Perhaps India would have to cater to an additional influx of “climate refugees” joining the thousands of political exiles in the country.
The Statesman
January 16, 2012
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