RECENTLY Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio said all 60 members of the Nagaland Assembly and two members of Parliament had declared they were ready to “dissolve” the present government to make way for the final stage of the long drawn “talks” between the Naga underground groups and the Centre. The idea is to form an interim government before the 2013 Assembly elections. The Centre has, however, reportedly shot it down.
Earlier this year, former Union home secretary GK Pillai was reported to have said that the final settlement of the Naga problem was expected sooner rather than later. Till now, there is no sign of any breakthrough. Key players – Naga rebels, civil society and the Centre — are keeping a low profile. There is still no concrete framework, or so it appears, from either side, including the civil bodies. A few vague terms like “economic development”, “packages” and “more autonomy in Naga areas” were all that has been forthcoming.
Could this be the calm before the storm?
The fear of possible trouble and a law and order problem during the assembly elections were cited by Rio as the main reasons for an alternative arrangement. It may be mentioned that due to such fear of disturbance, the election to the civic bodies, due since 2010, has been postponed indefinitely.
Meanwhile, the Suspension of Operations between the Army, the Kuki National Organisation and the United People’s Front continues. The Kno leader’s recent reaction to the Centre’s non-commitment cannot, however, be underestimated. The NSCN(K) has reportedly termed the talks between the NSCN( IM) and the Centre as a “factional solution”.
Pillai had said that any “peace deal” had to be endorsed by all sections of Naga society, from gaon buras (village headmen) to civil bodies. This is to ensure that no one would turn around and say, after some years, that they were kept in the dark and hence would not accept the agreement.
In a statement, TL Angami, founder-advisor, Village Chief’s Federation Nagaland and caretaker of Naga customary law, reiterated that Pillai needed to be guided or led in the right direction to solve the Naga problem. Memories of burnt villages, people massacred and the rape of Naga women by Indian troops still remained fresh in the minds of gaon buras.
So far, the only progress has been an “alternative arrangement” — a key feature used by the all factions of the NSCN, the state assembly and civil society such as the traditional Naga apex bodies. What actually constitutes an “alternative” has not been spelled out – at least for the public via media reports. The supra state model/concept has been denied by both the NSCN(IM) and the Centre. While civil bodies avoid comment, other factions have brushed it aside as an NSCN(IM) agenda.
It would not be wrong to say that there is a shortage of intellectual input and a draining of ideas on all sides. One prominent factor that comes in, going by the latest series of reports, are Pillai’s comments on the changing socio-politics in neighbouring Myanmar. The Khaplang faction is also likely to look towards Naypidaw rather than Delhi, which would involve a separate arrangement for Nagas in Manipur.
Amidst the fast changing global scenario and the evolution of new perspectives, the transborder ethnic nationalities of North-east India are caught in the web of transition where the market is mightier than the pen and the gun. Pillai was quoted as having said that contacts between Nagas on either side of the border could continue through trade and commerce, referring to Manipur’s border outlet of Moreh.
The formula fits well with India’s emerging interest in Southeast Asia, wherein the North-east region serves as a strategic gateway. The Look East Policy, with development of the North-east region as one component, was evolved in the early ’90s. It is believed that this will improve India’s relationship with its immediate neighbour Myanmar and its emerging influence in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Emerging changes in Myanmar have also impacted the context of India, its policy towards the North-east and the world at large.
As it stands today, India’s main interest, both domestic and external, lies in economic advancement, come what may. In Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s words, the Lep is not merely an economic policy, it is also a strategic shift in India’s vision of the world and India’s place in the evolving global economy.
For the success of this vision, the eastern frontier region became important. It may be remembered that India’s has 1,643 km borders running along Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram. On a practical note, such policies and economic imagination are far from realistic. Indo-Myanmarese border trade witnessed a diminishing trend from Rs 59.56 crore to Rs 7.54 between 1995 and 2001 (NEDFi report). Items at Moreh market are allegedly more illegal than legal goods, and are mostly third country products — Chinese goods, to be specific. Several proposed mega projects are still on paper, such as the Kaladan project, an agreement for which was signed in 2008, are yet to materialise.
Baladas Ghoshal of the Centre for Policy Research told this writer that India’s Look East Policy was mainly for extending linkages into Southeast Asia. According to him, the North-east is a bridge, but the main problem lies in underdevelopment of the region. Moreover, there was no blueprint for infrastructure development and the region did not have the capacity to take advantage of the role of being the mainland bridge, said Ghoshal.
Many renowned scholars on India-Myanmar relations are also skeptical of that country’s current position, observing that it would be too early to bank on its transition to democracy. Years down the line, the government of India should not look back and say it did not understand and, therefore, had not anticipated a mess.
The Statesman North East Page
September 17, 2012
Dim Sian Niang has been living in Bangalore, Karnataka, for the last eight years. She came here from Manipur to pursue her higher studies and then decided to stay on in the beautiful garden city after she secured a lucrative job as a merchandiser with a multi-national company. Life had been chugging along just fine for her and her siblings – they all live together in a rented accommodation in the Lingarajpura locality – until violent clashes broke out between the Bodos and the Bangla-speaking Muslims in certain districts of Assam in mid-July.
The effects of that conflict have been felt all across India, with northeast migrant communities in major metros hastily making their way back to their home states by the train-loads, leaving behind their homes and jobs. This mass exodus was triggered after random threats of attacks were circulated through the social networking sites and SMSs on mobile phones.
It all started when reports of attacks on Northeast students and professionals in Kondwa, Pune, made it to the front pages of the newspapers in mid-August. This was followed by other sporadic incidents in which more than 10 students were targeted. According to Rock Lungleng, Convener of the Forum for Northeast Students in Pune, in the days after those initial incidents many northeastern people were followed or attacked on the streets, while some were called out from their rented rooms or homes and beaten up. “We lodged FIRs at different police stations and ever since then we have been appealing for calm. We want to deal with the matter in the most peaceful way,” he says.
In an effort to handle the situation, Pune-based student leaders sent out advisories via SMS and Internet asking students to avoid venturing out alone after 7 pm or to move in groups.
Unfortunately, the threats and rumours made their way to Bangalore, Hyderabad and Mumbai via SMS and Facebook. Messages threatening Northeast migrants to “leave before the 20th” started appearing in their email and phone in-boxes. Appeals and assurances of safety by the Karnataka government notwithstanding, people from Northeast started fleeing the state in hordes – as per official estimates Bangalore has a sizeable Northeastern population of 2.5 lakh to 2.75 lakh.
Although Niang didn’t receive any such message, she decided to stay put in the city, although the feeling of uneasiness never left her. “My colleagues and friends have told me not to worry and have assured me of their help in case I face any problem, yet I feel vulnerable,” she says.
It’s to lay to rest fears of girls like Niang that student activist and management graduate, Monika, has been trying to bring together community leaders and student groups from the Northeast and other communities to interact with each other and “clear the air”. “We have also held several interactions with the state authorities and security agencies,” she says.
Bangalore’s Director General of Police Lalrokhuma Pachau, who is himself from the Northeast, insists that no incidents of violence were reported in the city. But Monika believes that this is because not many would have had the nerve to file complaints, given the state of panic they were in. “While the police should understand this situation, on our part we have been appealing to the community to report any incident to their respective student or community leaders so that it’s on record,” she elaborates.
Of course, amidst all this fear and panic, there are a few resilient voices from within the community that are using this recent crisis to highlight the discrimination and neglect that migrants from the Northeast, particularly young women, face on an on-going basis. Some of them are also looking ahead to ways in which such incidents can be contained in the future.
Dr. Rini Ralte, a professor at United Theological College, Bangalore, is one of them. A resident of Bangalore for the last 20 years, this Mizo woman is actively coordinating interactions between the local people and Northeast representatives.
Besides this, she and her team are lending support to girls who have not fled the city but are holed up in their homes fearing violence if they move around openly. “After one such rescue operation, a girl told me it was the first time she came out to see sunshine in seven days,” she says.
For Ralte this “crisis is an opportunity to set many things right”.
According to her, on a daily basis, young Northeast boys and girls face serious problems that range from demands for higher room rents to harassment and abuse in the workplace to random racial attacks and discrimination. “If in the course of our increased inter-community interactions we can help sort out certain issues and misconceptions, it will greatly help in the future,” she adds.
Things may not be so pleasant right now but Niang feels that once the threat perception comes down, people will definitely start returning, simply because there are limited employment and education options back home.
But Dr Monisha Behal, the founder member and Chairperson of North East Network (NEN), is concerned about the fate of those who are employed in the labour or service industries. “What will happen to those who left suddenly without informing the management, or those who are on contract?” she wonders, adding, “I think now there is a need to adopt a positive attitude. We must be aware and assert our legal rights enshrined in the Constitution and the Indian Penal Code.
This will generate confidence among the community.”
Meanwhile, Namrata Goswami, Research Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis, Delhi, believes that the government can play a more effective role in controlling such incidents. She asserts that the viable response of the state to this kind of violence is for the Union Home Minister and Home Secretary to come on national television to ensure everybody that “rumours” or “misleading information” are being duly countered.
According to the researcher-analyst, another way the state can respond is by increasing police presence in the areas prone to such violence. “The policing must be visible,” she says.
These appear to be bizarre times for the people of the Northeast. It’s been more than a month since violence first broke out between the Bodos and the Muslim minority community in Assam, resulting in the killing of nearly 75 people.
The Bodoland Territorial Council (BTAD) districts of Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa, and Udalguri, as well as the neighbouring district of Dhubri, continue to remain tense with nearly 400,000 people displaced, and forced to take shelter in 300 or more relief camps.
The big question on everybody’s mind is this: How can we ensure that such tragic and deplorable developments never occur again?
women feature service
August - September 2012