Manipur’s Hill Women Leaders Root For Rights, Empowerment

Hatlhing Doungel, 45, is a single mother of three boys and one girl. Like any mother, she takes care of her home and kids with love and diligence, but today she is not responsible for their well being alone. Ever since she was elected to the Autonomous District Council (ADC) of Tamenglong district, she has taken her duty of ensuring the development of her region and her people very seriously. Though she lives and works from her office in Manipur's state capital, Imphal, Hatlhing visits her Phaituol constituency once every week, disregarding the security threats or the long hours away from her children.

In the violence-affected northeastern state of Manipur, while the panchayats perform the function of local governance in the Valley area, the ADCs look after the local administration in the five hill districts. Presently, there are six ADCs operational – one each in Ukrhul, Tamenglongun, Churachandpur, Chandel and two in Senapati district in Senapati and Sadar Hills.

It was in 2010 that the ADCs were reconstituted after a gap of 20 years, which was when Hatlhing was elected. In fact, three elected and two nominated women made their way into the ADCs of Ukrhul, Tamenglong, Churachandpur at the time. Hatlhing lost her husband in 1996. Undeterred, she became actively involved within her community as a social worker. Her years of dedicated work as the secretary of the women's wing of the Kuki Innpi Manipur, the apex body of the Kuki community, helped her win the confidence of the people. So when elections for the ADC were announced, she was encouraged to contest. Hatlhing defeated three candidates to secure her position on the Tamenglong ADC. Today, she is happy that she is in a position to contribute to her community in a new capacity. "Undertaking development work and the implementing welfare schemes is number one on my agenda. And to ensure smooth functioning, I work along with the tribal chiefs, who are the appointed chairmen or heads of village councils," she says.

In the last couple of years, Hatlhing has dealt with a number of crises. She recalls the stand off between the state officials and the villagers in None, owing to land acquisition during the construction of the Jiri-Toubal railway line. "When the villagers came to me with their problem I called for a face-to-face meeting with the officials to ensure that everyone got adequate compensation," she narrates.

It's the larger administrative problems she has to face that frustrate her. "Even after the ADCs have been revived, the Tamenglong council is not fully functional yet. Moreover, our budget is still allocated by the state government, which ties our hands," says Hatlhing, who is provided with a special security cover during her weekly trips to Phaituol, the only non Naga constituency in the district.

Grace Zamnu, 41, the lone woman on the 26-member Churachandpur ADC, is also passionate about her work. She was elected from Muallum constituency on a Congress Party ticket. Unlike Hatlhing, for Grace contesting an election was not unfamiliar territory. In fact, due to her father's political ambitions her family has gone through some tough times. "A succession of failed campaigns compelled us to sell off our property and other assets to survive," recalls Grace.

Despite that she could neither keep herself away from activism, nor could she say no to joining politics, as it provided her with the perfect platform to raise her voice for women's rights. Interestingly, it is her father, currently the Village Chief of Zou Veng and Advisor to Zou tribe's apex body, United Zou Organisation, who has been her greatest supporter.

Grace started out as a student leader and then went on to become the General Secretary of the Zomi Mother's Association, a federation of women's groups of the Zomi community. "Women and children's rights are closest to my heart, so be it leading demonstrations against rapes and domestic violence or setting up shelter homes or rehabilitating orphans, I'm always ready," she says. It was her spirited activism that caught the eye of her community elders and tribal leaders, who suggested her name for the Churachandpur ADC.

Grace is focusing on implementing women's empowerment programmes. Though there are no special funds earmarked for the purpose, she has devised her own way of doing things. She plans fund raising activities, helps women form Self Help Groups (SHGs) and assists them in managing money by facilitating the opening of bank accounts. Besides this, Grace lays a great emphasis on involving women in income generating activities such as starting up handlooms. Says she, "These days, it is profitable to market our traditional outfits by giving them a modern twist. They are in great demand." Moreover, recognising the value of a good education, she personally monitors the schools in her constituency, regularly visiting and interacting with teachers and the school board.

Naturally, all this good work has not been achieved without a few hiccups along the way. But nothing disturbs her more than the fact that the ADCs are not being allowed to do anything more than implement state welfare schemes. She elaborates, "The ADC Act is not strictly put into practice. The council, therefore, neither has any specific development plans and policies nor has it got funds of its own. Even council members are not paid any allowance."

Hatlhing believes that things can change if more women become part of the political landscape at the grassroots. "Women's reservation needs to be implemented in the hills. While the valley benefits from this - because the Panchayati Raj system exists there - why can't the same be done here?" she questions.

Grace agrees, "While the quality of participation for women in the hills has a long way to go in terms of decision making in politics, at least women's representation should be increased through reservation."

Hatlhing and Grace are leading by example. Remains to see how far they succeed in ensuring women's issues take centrestage in local politics.

women's feature service
May 2013

Insight into parallel evolution of Paite elite & identity

IN the seemingly classless “tribal egalitarian societies” of the North-east where more than 200 groups or ethnic communities live, a new book, Elite, Identity and Politics in Manipur, by S Thianlalmuan Ngaihte reveals an (already) existent and emerging group of the “elite class”, their influence and impact on shaping the thoughts and minds of the community.

Brought out by Mittal Publication, New Delhi, and priced at Rs 850, Ngaihte’s study of the Paite society, a trans-border ethnic community, gives an insight into the parallel evolution of an elite group and identity, (trans) formation of communities, inter-connected issues in the process of the making of identity in communities such as Mainpur’s Paites.

Given that the Paite society under study, like any other “tribal” group in the North-east or other parts of India, has no caste stratification, nor the monetary assets or economy of the Paite elite, cannot be compared to other elite segment in other parts of India or elsewhere, the author rightly draws the class lines in terms of “education” rather than “economy”. Ngaihte’s study shows that identity formation and consciousness amongst the Paites, the educated class to be specific, arises from their encounter with colonisation and modernisation. Paite elites successfully mobilised the community, taking the lead in the forward movement from recognition as a distinct tribal group to an ethnic community further to the process of nationalism consciousness .

Based on the Paul Brass theory of elite competition, Ngaihte’s study on the Paite community and its elite segment shows that the formation of identity, or transformation of identity, further to nationalism, is a modern emerging phenomenon and that the process involved competition and conflict.

In fact, the Paite community undergoes dramatic changes; from oral to written language, from village traditional (chieftainship) administration to (modern) state administration, beliefs and practices.

Jealously guarding and promoting Paite culture, customs and traditions, the Paite elite have taken up a leadership role, though this was not actually acknowledged as a “political” leadership. Perhaps due to the understanding that politics is either elections (electoral politics), or, as political parties or otherwise popularly known in the North-east as being part of the underground movement. According to Ngaihte’s study, this set of politicised elites was actually “social and political agents”.

One of the key contributions and impact of the Paite elite comes in the form of mass media that includes print, songs and other literature. A complex phenomenon, the ethnic consolidation of the community was not only based on culture or literature – another key factor in their success is the emotions, attachment and sense of belonging of the first group of the Paite educated class, such as H Nengzachin ,who returned from the USA “to serve his community” after studying theology in 1939. Denying an offer of a lucrative job in the British Indian government, he said, “The job is good,  but I was convinced and choose to remain with my people”.

The Paites, a community inhabiting the periphery of the Manipur-Myanmar border, is isolated from mainstream development and Paite elite work is geared towards the empowerment and uplift of their brethren. In due process, while the uplift (socially) and emotional attachment was much stronger in the earlier century, in later years it has more to do with protection from other dominant groups. With parallel “identity formation” by other ethnic groups also underway, the inter-intra conflict was eventually inevitable. 

It may also be added that Paite society or the North-east societies at large are non-industrial in nature and that the said elite class, vis-a-vis class lines (as universally understood), does not come under  the “ proletariat and bourgeoisie” line or the Karl Marx’s class concept . In the case of the Paites the elite do not fully hold or direct community discourse. In the present situation, Paite class lines or the class divide is still thin and not very visible. This can be witnessed in their socialisation, such as the Young Paite Association, or community events, where even an IAS officer would be seen performing his duty if he is asked to serve a community feast.

An insightful analysis that Ngaihte has  brought out is that the economic factor was not what pulled the Paite community together; unlike the common presumption of poverty, vis-a-vis economic under-development as a key rationale for the struggle for “identity”, ethnic conflict, or even a violent struggle for self-determination in Manipur.

Modernity has seeped in deeply and the Paites have undergone tremendous changes in every sphere of their way of life. As Ngaihte points out, the taditional elites had compromised on emerging modern elites.  Though Ngaihte does not put much weight on the intra-conflict, an undercurrent of conflict between the traditional and modern elite in terms of traditional chiefs and political class are very much in existence. The case can be cited of the recent demand for more “power” by members of the local self-governance set-ups, the district councils. It may also be noted that the ADCs were non-functional for over 20 years. While the chief rights were abolished under the Acquisition of Chief Rights Act, 1967, it may be noted that village chiefs still enjoy respect from the people and that their existence and role are still recognised.

As Ngaihte observes, in the current context the Zomi federation has not  been able to include all the Zosuante (descendants of Zo). The Paite elite attempted to further broaden their interest in taking the key leadership role in  propagating Zomi consciousness or Zomi nationalism, through successfully mobilising and consolidating  the Paite identity. As it stands today, they have not been able to articulate or consolidate a common platform amongst the Zo community. This,  according to Ngaihte,  is due to political conflicts and competition, most importantly an existence of parallel identity labels such as Kukis or Hmars .

Fortunately or unfortunately, as in Fredrik Barth’s view of the transient nature of ethnic boundaries, the Paites’ boundaries, too, have been drawn. Moreover,  ethnic, ethnicity, ethnicisation  is a complex and ongoing process, therefore the nationalist consolidation under the Paite leadership is “inconclusive”, Ngaihte observes. In fact, this is the case not only of the Paites. Moreover, Ngaihte’s study gives an insightful thought on the numerous conflicts encountered, witnessed and experienced in Manipur and the North-east at large.

S Thianlalmuan Ngaihte is currently teaching Political Science in Morning Star College, Shillong. He completed his Master’s and Doctorate degree from the Department of Political Science, North- Eastern Hill University, Shillong

The reviewer is a Delhi-based freelance contributor
The Statesman North East page , April 29,2013