Do the north eastern states vote differently in state assembly and Lok Sabha elections?

As India goes to polls next month, the wave of the General Elections 2014 extravaganzas, and preparations is being felt across the length and breadth of the country. The upcoming election is rated as one of the most interesting elections in post Independence era.

In the north east states though, the election pitches do not reach such magnitude, comparatively as in other ‘mainland’ states. This is unlike the State Assembly elections,  where normal life were literally on halt during such election campaignsthat would comprise of loud microphones, public meetings, road side discussion and door to doorvisits. During state assembly elections, these states too witnessed extravaganzas and flow of liquor like any other election campaigns across the country.   In Parliamentary Elections, no such enthusiasm or euphoria amongst the general public were observed and witnessed either during or after the elections, while candidates and political parties do not make much of an effort in- terms of wooing electorates.

The indication of the countdown to the Lok Sabha elections would be the visits of Prime Ministerial candidates, National level political party leaders’ public address for about an hour or so in the North East state capitals. In this case, it would obviously be the likes of Rajiv Gandhi, in the earlier years and now Sonia Gandhi or Rahul Gandhi in the recent years. Another such personalities, this time is the visit of Narendra Modi of the BJP.

This trend in people’s participation in terms of exercising their adult franchise – State and Lok Sabha elections gives us a picture of how State elections witnessed more fanfare and enthusiasm than the Parliamentary elections. (source – www.empoweringindia.org ).

General election 2009 record voter turn-out between 65 % to 74% in Assam, while State election in 2011 saw voter turn-out between 80% to 92 % in all the twenty seven districts.   While the two Lok Sabha seats in Arunachal Pradesh recorded 67 % and 72 % voter turn-out , the  State  election record showed  85% to 92% turn out in 2009. In Manipur the last Lok Sabha election saw voter turn-out of 72 % and 84 % for the two seats , while the State election saw turn out  between 70% to 90% in 2012.  In Meghalaya voter turn-out recorded in the last election was 63 % and 68% for the two Lok Sabha seats while the State Election in 2013 recorded 85% to 95% voter turn-out. In Mizoram the lone Lok Sabha seat election saw only 52 % turn-out, while the last State election witnessed 80% – 85 % turn out.  In Nagaland, voter turn-out record was 90 % for the lone Lok Sabha seat, while 92% to 98% voter turn-out was recorded in the state assembly polls in 2013. In Tripura the last Lok Sabha election saw 84%and 86% voter turn-out for the two seats, while the State assembly recorded above 90% turn out from all the eight districts in 2013.

Surprisingly, voter turn-out both the State and general election were higher in North East states than some of the key states such as Uttar Pradesh, the Congress bastion. In Rae Bareli only 48% voter out was recorded in the last Lok Sabha election with an average of 50% to 65% voter turn-out in all the districts in the last 2012 state election. Further, in Amethi constituency it was 45 % turn out in Lok sabha election and 56% in state assembly election in 2012. Moreover in other state such as Bihar voter turn-out recorded as low as an average of 34 % turn out in Patna constituency in the last general election and between 35 % to 56 % in district such as Patna 60 % in state  election. (source –www.empoweringindia.org ).

One of key reason for this general feeling of less enthusiasm in the general election to the parliament in the northeast states could well be the ‘minority status’ where out of the total 545 parliamentary seats, the seven North east states sends only 24 representatives.

In terms of election campaign, slogans and manifestos, Incumbency and Corruption figures as poll plank in the mainstream, while Development is the key manifesto in North east states. Though, corruption has its own various facets, the subject have not been a public debate.

Moreover, a look at the government formation in the North East presents the influence and impact of certain political party or political personae. All the north eastern states were granted statehood under the Congress government beginning from 1963 when the state of Nagaland was created under Pt Nehru, then subsequently under Indira Gandhi the state of Manipur in 1971, Tripura and Meghalaya in 1972, while Rajiv Gandhi during his Prime Minister-ship granted statehood to Mizoram in 1985 and Arunachal Pradesh in 1987.

The first State Government in Manipur, Tripura and Assam were formed by the Indian National Congress. While the first state government in Nagaland , Meghalaya ,and Mizoram, under the good will of the INC were formed by Local Political party such as Naga Nationalist Organization, All Party Hill Leaders’ Conference and Mizo National Front, respectively. The only North East state of Arunachal Pradesh’s first state assembly in 1975 till 1979 has a national party the Janata Party led Government. The period when Indira Gandhi was vote out of power and the fall of the INC in the centre. The Janata Party also formed the state government in Assam in 1978 – 79, and a five month government in Tripura in 1977. Other National level party such as Samata Party came to power for a year in Manipur in 2001. Currently, Tripura has  the Communist Party of India ( Marxist) government.

Liberty Institute, New Delhi- April 3,2014

No Show: Northeast Women’s Tryst With Politics

The seven states of northeast India present a truly contrasting picture when it comes to its women. On the one hand the region is home to all–powerful women’s groups like the Meira Paibis of Manipur, the Naga Mothers Association and the Mizo Women’s Federation, which have effectively tackled issues like alcoholism, gender rights and conflict. Moreover, women’s participation in the life of the community is not just visible but is in fact one of the most distinctive features of the region. Yet, when it comes to their participation in mainstream politics, very few find a place in the government. 

The Northeast collectively sends 24 members to the 545–member Lok Sabha, while the 250 member–strong Rajya Sabha has 13 members from the region. How many women figure in this list? At last count, one member from Meghalaya and two from Assam in the Lower House and one member each from Meghalaya, Tripura and Assam in the Upper House. 

Their numbers in the state legislative assemblies are equally dismal, if not worse. Sample this: Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya and Nagaland have no women in the state assembly. Of the 60–member assembly in Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, the former has two female legislators, while the latter has three. Given the size of the state and the higher number of constituencies, Assam has 14 women MLAs among 126 elected representatives. 

Clearly, women standing for elections and making their presence felt in the corridors of power, be it at the state or national levels, face tough resistance. So the question that arises is: what is it that is fuelling this regressive trend? “Blame it on deep–rooted patriarchy,” says Tiplut Nongbri, Professor at the Centre for Study of Social System at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Delhi. “Like elsewhere in India strong traditional practices in northeastern societies, too, hold women back from exploring their potential in new spheres,” she observes. Nongbri, who has done extensive work on gender, family and identity in the Northeast, cites the case of the Khasi society in Meghalaya to prove her point. She elaborates, “Earlier, women were not allowed to enter the customary ‘durbars’ in villages and this continues to this day.  That women are being kept away from fighting elections is therefore not a surprise.” According to her, the socialisation process under patriarchy is so internalised that women can’t seem to “find the courage to come out and stand for elections as it will be perceived as challenging the system and being disloyal to traditional practices”. 

But if women are being kept away from political participation on the pretext of social convention, how does this explain the pioneering work done by various women–led rights groups present in all the seven states? Shreema Ningombam, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Nambol College in Manipur, points out that the focus of women’s organisations such as the Meira Paibis is mainly on issues like conflict and militarisation and their impact on the lives of the locals, including women. “Their energy and resources are all trained towards protesting against the consequences emanating from this situation, which affects their lives collectively,” feels Ningombam.

There is validity to Ningombam’s observations. If one takes a look at the trajectory of the Meira Paibis, they initially came together for the ‘nisha bandh’ (anti–alcoholism) movement, and then later evolved into a more political outfit that launched a consolidated fight against the continued enforcement of the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). “This women group is very political,” comments Ningombam, “and if you go deeper then it becomes fairly evident that their leaders do take a clear stand when it comes to self–determination.” 

Yet, argues Papori Bora, Professor, Centre for Women’s Studies, JNU, what holds them from becoming overtly political is the fact that “in the context of nationalism, there is a general understanding that there is no reason for women to have a separate identity. This concept strengthens patriarchy and discourages women from joining politics”. Adds Bora, “The attitude adopted is – why do women need to have a separate political agenda? In fact, for women too their identity as an Assamese or Naga or Mizo is more important; the fact that they are a minority in the legislature becomes secondary.”

The good news, however, is that in the Northeast women are as much at the forefront of exercising their franchise as the men. And in the last few years some of them have stood for elections as well.

First, a look at the number of women who cast their votes at the state level: in the Mizoram state elections held in February 2014, more women (3,49,506) than men turned up at the polling booths. It was similar in Arunachal Pradesh in 2009. In Nagaland, where the total of female voters is pegged at 5,38,968, 91 per cent voted in the 2013 election.  In terms of leadership representation, two women candidates out of 188 stood for elections for the 60 seat Nagaland assembly in 2013. The number was a little higher in Tripura that saw 15 women out of 249 contesting the last Assembly election in early 2013. The same year Meghalaya had 25 women candidates out of 345 in the fray, while the 2009 election in Arunachal saw nine women contesting and two women emerging victorious.

“These are indeed positive developments,” remarks Joy Pachuau, Associate Professor at the Centre for Historical Studies in JNU, “today, while many women are being elected to panchayat, at least a start has been made with women contesting assembly polls. It will take time though. Traditions make it difficult for women to take to public life. The stronghold of the Church as well as other civl bodies also has an impact.” 

The role that northeastern women play in the democratic process cannot be overlooked. In fact, it is their overwhelming participation at the local self government level that is strengthening the basic foundations of democracy in the region today. Moreover, they never shy away from fulfilling their duty as responsible voters. Yet, notably, their contribution is still limited to the lowest levels of power. While many scholars and experts are of the opinion that it is not the numbers that matter but the quality of involvement, it is also important to make sure that there is equal participation. 

General Election 2014, however, may not see much of a change although major parties are talking about women’s empowerment. For instance, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has included it in their election agenda, while recently BJP prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi focused his Women’s Day Chai pe Charcha discussion on this issue inviting northeast women to share their insights. But despite this, parties have failed to field women in adequate numbers. The Congress has fielded two female candidates in Assam and one in Tripura, the Trinamool Congress has one woman candidate from Manipur and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has not given a ticket to any woman in the region. New entrant, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), had approached AFSPA activist Irom Sharmila to stand on its ticket from Manipur but she has turned them down.  Change, going by these trends, is still a distant prospect. 

Women's Feature Service

March 18 , 2014