ON 16 October I came across a report by a national daily on North-east women being “rescued’ in “mainland” India. Headlined “3 held from spas for prostitution”, it reported that 11 girls from Manipur and Assam, who were trainees there, were rescued and that the owner was still running the business despite being arrested earlier. If the report is to be taken seriously, one wonders how, in a metropolitan city like Chennai, a massage parlour can be run by girls from only the North-east. The police officer in question also seemed to be well informed as he reportedly said the girls had accepted such “jobs” after being offered extra money.
This year alone more than five stories relating to North-east women being caught, harassed, molested or rescued appeared in the national media. In September, the same newspaper reported that a minor from the North-east was rescued from Haryana. It said the girl was from Mizoram. In May, the paper also reported that two North-east women were harassed by “foreign” students in Bangalore. Earlier, in February, it was reported that two Yemeni nationals were caught with Manipuri girls after a dramatic chase in Bangalore and that they were later taken into custody.
There have been a number of telecasts, shows, talks/panel discussions and feature stories on the problems North-east women face or how they are being treated in Delhi or mainland India.
The story about the police chase involving Manipuri girls and foreigners (Yemeni nationals) in Bangalore appeared more like a “drama” than a “serious case” when one takes into account the detailed descriptions, timing of occurrence and who the two women were. Two days later it was reported that the two foreigners were booked under “attempt to murder”, a serious case, indeed. The headline ran, “2 foreign students harass NE women, create nuisance”. It said the two (from South Africa and Saudi Arabia) were reportedly drunk and had no resident permits and would be deported if they were found to be without valid permits. In highlighting the case, the report added extra “masala” by specifically mentioning North-east girls. This was, to say the least, most scandalous. The whole story became one of “NE women harassment”.
Mind you, it isn’t just the national media that reports such North-east women-related stories and their “vulnerability” and “victimisation” in “mainland” India. Even the local media frequently publishes such reports, including those that are not reported in the national media. The local-based websites are flooded with updates/uploads with links to such news items. Moreover, reports of rape and murder of North-east women spread like wildfire. Simple Googling provides access to numerous reports/stories of this nature. In fact, a representative of the North-east Helpline told me that “unless the media picks up the story, the police are not bothered”. Well said. Media “intervention” does pressure the police (security agencies) into action and catches the attention of the authorities concerned.
In the widely-covered story of the Hongray case (she was allegedly raped and murdered in Delhi on November 2009) the defence counsel pleaded for bail on the ground that the accused had confessed under media pressure!
In raising concern for the problems faced by North-east women and the need to alert the authorities or push the police into action, it becomes inevitable to produce a “news-worthy” item which results in the practice of sensationalism. One can also notice the changing trend in these reports. Earlier, victims were normally referred to as “North-east girls/women”. In recent times identification is more area specific – “a Manipuri girl, a Mizo girl, a Naga girl... molested…”
On 17 October, a case of “harassment” of North-east women in mainland India was reported in local dailies, websites and blogs. What this amounted to was repetition of a press release by an organisation that exclusively deals with such cases. The story (rather the press release) was titled, “Naga girl from Manipur sexually molested...”
There is no denying the fact that such despicable acts deserve the strongest punishment, but what need for media “overkill” in portraying women from this region as “helpless victims”, “vulnerable” or “naïve migrants”?
The Statesman
December 5, 2011
Women Live In Fear In Manipur's Epicentre of Conflict
" Women activists in Churachandpur district of conflicted state of Manipur are defying all threats to fight for the rape victims allegedly attacked by existing ‘underground outfits’ in the region."
Churachandpur: Conflict in Manipur has been an ever-present reality for decades. As in most conflict zones, it is the women here who bear the brunt of the disturbances. But they have learnt to come together against the violence, whether it is caused by security forces or by militant groups. Women’s groups like the Imphal-based Meira Paibis are well known, but there are many small local organisations in other parts of this conflict-scarred region, which are responding with courage and determination to atrocities on women.
Take the Hmar Women’s Association (HWA), a group formed by the Hmar community women in Lamka, the headquarters of Churachandpur district. When its members learnt from media reports in early 2006 that about 25 women – many of them still in their teens – were being tortured, molested and sexually harassed by so-called ‘underground outfits’ in villages like Parbung, Hmarkhawpui and Sipuikawn, they decided to fight back.
These villages are located in the Tipaimukh sub-division of Churachandpur. This sub-division, along with four others – Henglep, Thanlon, Saikot and Samulamlan – forms the epicentre of violence here. Claimed as ‘liberated zones’ by insurgents, safe hideouts for as many as 13 insurgent groups, each claiming to represent a community or a hill tribal group or sub-group, are located here. Even non-tribal outfits from the Manipur valley claim to have a base in this district. Security forces, like the Assam Rifles, have been deployed in the area, and many of the insurgent groups ostensibly come under the SoO (Suspension of Operation) agreement.
The remote location – it takes two days to reach the villages by jeep from Lamka – did not deter the HWA women activists. Recalls Pi J.L. Sawmi (“pi” is a prefix used locally as a mark of respect to an adult woman), the head of the association and currently president of Churachandpur Joint Women’s Union (CJWU), an umbrella body of various local women’s groups, “The roads were atrocious, but that didn’t stop us.”
The intra-ethnic violence as well as clashes between the state and non-state elements had reached such a point that the villagers were fleeing to neighbouring Mizoram in sheer terror. They had horrifying stories to relate. Reportedly these ‘militant’ outfits made demands at gunpoint. As Pi Sawmi puts it, “The villagers would have to pay dearly if a demand, or rather ‘command’ – which extended to sexual favours – was not obeyed.”
During the days of heightened protest against the Tipaimukh rapes, the activists moved from village to village. They came under all kinds of threats and their lives were in danger. As Pi Sawmi says, “We received several ‘unidentified calls’, but ignored them or moved about incognito.” The group had to also face smear campaigns. The local media were very critical of their actions and alleged that they were engineering these protests at the behest of vested interest. “But,” Pi Sawmi says, “we also issued press releases and statements to clarify.”
Within days, rallies and protests were held against the Tipaimukh attacks, both in Lamka and Delhi, which forced the Manipur government to set up the Rajkhowa Commission to look into the allegations. Ironically, although the nature of the crimes involved rape, the Commission did not include any health experts, let alone women investigators. The hearings and examination of the victims was conducted in Parbung – the headquarters of Tipaimukh – with cross examination being undertaken by Human Rights Alert, a human rights group, and the Manipur Forward Youth Front – both of which are valley-based and non-tribal bodies.
Apprehensive and demoralised by the turn of events, the Hmar Women Association leaders went knocking at the doors of the National Commission for Women (NCW) in Delhi in May 2006. “Fortunately they heard us out patiently. Chairperson Girija Vyas and other members took the matter seriously,” recalls Pi Sawmi. Later, a NCW member and Northeast-in-charge, Malini Bhattacharya, visited Tipaimukh and met the victims.
In her report, Bhattacharjee stated that the girls who had undergone sexual assault and rape still suffered from headaches, listlessness and inability to concentrate, apart from various menstrual and urinary problems. Some reported impairment of eyesight and hearing, and there were also complaints of pain in the back and abdomen. Not surprisingly, every woman complained of living in fear. Bhattacharya also noted the abysmal lack of health care in the area: “There was neither hospital nor doctor, only a defunct primary health centre.”
It was only on the recommendation of the NCW that a free medical and trauma counselling camp was held in Parbung in November 2006. This move helped. According to Pi Sawmi, many victims felt better psychologically, as there was a lot of sharing with the full participation of the HWA members. One woman beneficiary put it this way, “When we talk about problems that only women can relate to, like abdominal pain, we feel better.”
A major fear among the rape survivors was of having contracted HIV/AIDS since many of their attackers were known drug-pushers. There was also the stigma attached to being raped. Several survivors have today left their homes to begin life anew in Mizoram and Meghalaya. But it is difficult to erase the past completely. According to Pi Sawmi, these women – most working as domestic help - are still “living death”, their hopes of marrying and settling down to a normal life completely dashed.
The campaign also took a lot out the HWA women. There was limited financial and legal support. Pi Sawmi adds, “All our funds were spent on travel and most of the time it was from our pocket. While the NCW members were required to be ferried by helicopter, the HWA team would leave for Lamka two days ahead in order to be there on time.”
A major problem, they believe, is the lack of support structures for women who undergo traumatic experiences, given local ignorance and illiteracy. The HWA team had a tough time dealing with the parents of the rape victims, most of whom wanted to keep the issue under wraps. It was only with time that they realised the importance of speaking out. The lack of health care infrastructure was another major challenge, with the victims not knowing where to go or whom to approach for medical assistance.
But the biggest lesson learnt was the need for local women to organise and come together, especially in a district like Churachandpur where different communities and ethnic groups live cheek-by-jowl. That was why the CJWU was convened in 2005. It comprises several community-based women organisations, including the HWA, the Zomi Mothers’ Association, Kuki Women’s Association and Ima Leimaren Apunba Lup. The Union collectively resolved that any rape accused, no matter his ethnic background, should be awarded exemplary punishment, and a minimum sentence of five years along with a fine.
Today, even as ethnic clashes continue to rage, the CJWU has successfully intervened in several incidents. They are also exploring ways of keeping the original issue alive and are thinking of filing an RTI petition on the action taken on the Rajkhowa Commission Report, which was submitted to the state government in 2007. So far, little seems to have come out of it.
Churachandpur’s brave and feisty women activists want justice and are prepared to fight hard for it.
women feature services November 15, 2011
Churachandpur: Conflict in Manipur has been an ever-present reality for decades. As in most conflict zones, it is the women here who bear the brunt of the disturbances. But they have learnt to come together against the violence, whether it is caused by security forces or by militant groups. Women’s groups like the Imphal-based Meira Paibis are well known, but there are many small local organisations in other parts of this conflict-scarred region, which are responding with courage and determination to atrocities on women.
Take the Hmar Women’s Association (HWA), a group formed by the Hmar community women in Lamka, the headquarters of Churachandpur district. When its members learnt from media reports in early 2006 that about 25 women – many of them still in their teens – were being tortured, molested and sexually harassed by so-called ‘underground outfits’ in villages like Parbung, Hmarkhawpui and Sipuikawn, they decided to fight back.
These villages are located in the Tipaimukh sub-division of Churachandpur. This sub-division, along with four others – Henglep, Thanlon, Saikot and Samulamlan – forms the epicentre of violence here. Claimed as ‘liberated zones’ by insurgents, safe hideouts for as many as 13 insurgent groups, each claiming to represent a community or a hill tribal group or sub-group, are located here. Even non-tribal outfits from the Manipur valley claim to have a base in this district. Security forces, like the Assam Rifles, have been deployed in the area, and many of the insurgent groups ostensibly come under the SoO (Suspension of Operation) agreement.
The remote location – it takes two days to reach the villages by jeep from Lamka – did not deter the HWA women activists. Recalls Pi J.L. Sawmi (“pi” is a prefix used locally as a mark of respect to an adult woman), the head of the association and currently president of Churachandpur Joint Women’s Union (CJWU), an umbrella body of various local women’s groups, “The roads were atrocious, but that didn’t stop us.”
The intra-ethnic violence as well as clashes between the state and non-state elements had reached such a point that the villagers were fleeing to neighbouring Mizoram in sheer terror. They had horrifying stories to relate. Reportedly these ‘militant’ outfits made demands at gunpoint. As Pi Sawmi puts it, “The villagers would have to pay dearly if a demand, or rather ‘command’ – which extended to sexual favours – was not obeyed.”
During the days of heightened protest against the Tipaimukh rapes, the activists moved from village to village. They came under all kinds of threats and their lives were in danger. As Pi Sawmi says, “We received several ‘unidentified calls’, but ignored them or moved about incognito.” The group had to also face smear campaigns. The local media were very critical of their actions and alleged that they were engineering these protests at the behest of vested interest. “But,” Pi Sawmi says, “we also issued press releases and statements to clarify.”
Within days, rallies and protests were held against the Tipaimukh attacks, both in Lamka and Delhi, which forced the Manipur government to set up the Rajkhowa Commission to look into the allegations. Ironically, although the nature of the crimes involved rape, the Commission did not include any health experts, let alone women investigators. The hearings and examination of the victims was conducted in Parbung – the headquarters of Tipaimukh – with cross examination being undertaken by Human Rights Alert, a human rights group, and the Manipur Forward Youth Front – both of which are valley-based and non-tribal bodies.
Apprehensive and demoralised by the turn of events, the Hmar Women Association leaders went knocking at the doors of the National Commission for Women (NCW) in Delhi in May 2006. “Fortunately they heard us out patiently. Chairperson Girija Vyas and other members took the matter seriously,” recalls Pi Sawmi. Later, a NCW member and Northeast-in-charge, Malini Bhattacharya, visited Tipaimukh and met the victims.
In her report, Bhattacharjee stated that the girls who had undergone sexual assault and rape still suffered from headaches, listlessness and inability to concentrate, apart from various menstrual and urinary problems. Some reported impairment of eyesight and hearing, and there were also complaints of pain in the back and abdomen. Not surprisingly, every woman complained of living in fear. Bhattacharya also noted the abysmal lack of health care in the area: “There was neither hospital nor doctor, only a defunct primary health centre.”
It was only on the recommendation of the NCW that a free medical and trauma counselling camp was held in Parbung in November 2006. This move helped. According to Pi Sawmi, many victims felt better psychologically, as there was a lot of sharing with the full participation of the HWA members. One woman beneficiary put it this way, “When we talk about problems that only women can relate to, like abdominal pain, we feel better.”
A major fear among the rape survivors was of having contracted HIV/AIDS since many of their attackers were known drug-pushers. There was also the stigma attached to being raped. Several survivors have today left their homes to begin life anew in Mizoram and Meghalaya. But it is difficult to erase the past completely. According to Pi Sawmi, these women – most working as domestic help - are still “living death”, their hopes of marrying and settling down to a normal life completely dashed.
The campaign also took a lot out the HWA women. There was limited financial and legal support. Pi Sawmi adds, “All our funds were spent on travel and most of the time it was from our pocket. While the NCW members were required to be ferried by helicopter, the HWA team would leave for Lamka two days ahead in order to be there on time.”
A major problem, they believe, is the lack of support structures for women who undergo traumatic experiences, given local ignorance and illiteracy. The HWA team had a tough time dealing with the parents of the rape victims, most of whom wanted to keep the issue under wraps. It was only with time that they realised the importance of speaking out. The lack of health care infrastructure was another major challenge, with the victims not knowing where to go or whom to approach for medical assistance.
But the biggest lesson learnt was the need for local women to organise and come together, especially in a district like Churachandpur where different communities and ethnic groups live cheek-by-jowl. That was why the CJWU was convened in 2005. It comprises several community-based women organisations, including the HWA, the Zomi Mothers’ Association, Kuki Women’s Association and Ima Leimaren Apunba Lup. The Union collectively resolved that any rape accused, no matter his ethnic background, should be awarded exemplary punishment, and a minimum sentence of five years along with a fine.
Today, even as ethnic clashes continue to rage, the CJWU has successfully intervened in several incidents. They are also exploring ways of keeping the original issue alive and are thinking of filing an RTI petition on the action taken on the Rajkhowa Commission Report, which was submitted to the state government in 2007. So far, little seems to have come out of it.
Churachandpur’s brave and feisty women activists want justice and are prepared to fight hard for it.
women feature services November 15, 2011
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