Naga accord: A test for Narendra Modi's policies

Many would argue there is nothing "new" or "historic" in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's August 3 announcement of the "Naga Peace Accord". Indeed there is none. The only available media statement said details of the accord framework and its execution will be released in the days to come. 

But there is something very unique - Modi's way of doing things. His strategy, execution and, most of all, his ability to read people's minds and effectively using the media (particularly TV) to his full advantage. He effortlessly manages to soothe the ego of the leaders of the NSCN-IM to (almost) perfection - the photo-op, the protocol. With the whole country glued on to the screen, it was perfect. The Naga traditional shawl, which Modi consciously did not remove all through the public show, was a value addition. 

The grey dot in the show, though, would be the pretentious smile of Th. Muivah, general secretary of the NSCN-IM and a stammering on pronouncing " Narendra Modi". And of course the absence of the outfit's chairman Isaac Swu, who is undergoing treatment due to illness.

 As usual at his best public speaking, Modi delivered a diplomatic and impressive speech. There were pointers in between the lines. He touched upon issues that were core to the hearts and minds of the Nagas -- their way of life. He talked of the larger picture of socio-economic development of northeast India and beyond which made his speech acceptable to all, particularly the non-Nagas and the general Indian public. 

Perhaps due to the long drawn exhaustive "peace process" between the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (IM faction) and the Indian government, that has more or less led to fatigue, the August 3 announcement didn't or rather could not stir much ripples, unlike other occasion when the peace talk reaches a certain point, such as in 2001, when Manipur literally burned. In fact, much as the Naga peace talk had been complex and complicated (the process is more than 15 years old now, and doesn't seem to be over as yet); it would be too early to comment. 

From the official speech of Muivah who is the NSCN-IM signatory to the "framework agreement", it is clear that he is not yet done, an indication that the NSCN-IM shouldn't be written off so soon. Not directly facing the camera, Muivah repeated a very similar sentence that has been used since past years that an honourable peaceful political solution is yet to be worked out. An attempt to convey a message that "this is not the end". 

Though there is disquiet or no major knee-jerk reactions, be it in Naga areas or other parts of northeast India, there was curiosity, jitter and anxiety. The process leading up to the announcement was done in utmost secrecy where many even within the NSCN-IM, the civil society in Nagaland and other northeastern states were taken by surprise. 

While the framework agreement - as in terms of taking to a new level - deserves an applause, it is pertinent to keep in mind the larger public, specially the Nagas who have the right to be informed about what is going to affect them. If they are kept in the dark, it would be a grave mistake on the part of the Naga leadership and New Delhi. 

 Certainly there would be negotiations and compromise on various "points" as in many other peace agreements across the world. All said and done, peace is not given or taken. It is not something that can be achieved by signing a document. It comes from the genuine desire of the people, the key stakeholder, the civil society and the government. As many had mentioned and re-called the 1986 Mizo Peace accord - in an attempt to draw parallels and comparisons, it is important to also remember that it w .. 

A nationalist, Modi's readiness to solve the issue does not call for any doubt. His larger vision of India as an emerging leader in South Asia vis-a-vis northeast India cannot be missed. And it is hoped that all this was done in an attempt to make progress and development which the northeast region desperately needs. Modi's understanding of the general picture of northeast India at large and the Naga psyche is visibly noteworthy. 

As far as the August 3 "historic" announcement of the Naga accord is concerned, there is no doubt some progress had been made. The secrecy could be yet another tactic and strategy by Prime Minister Modi, who is reportedly monitoring the process since taking power.

A nationalist, Modi's readiness to solve the issue does not call for any doubt. His larger vision of India as an emerging leader in South Asia vis-a-vis northeast India cannot be missed. And it is hoped that all this was done.

Nevertheless, for better or for worse, his tactics and handling of the Naga conflict and the northeast region will be tested in days to come. 

As of now, the Naga accord is an open-ended matter. We can only hope for better days, not only for the Nagas but for all the people in the northeast who are direct or indirect stakeholders of the peace process. 

IANS August 6,2915
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Women Tribal Leaders Herald Politics of Change

In her long innings as a student leader, social activist and, finally, an elected representative, Madhumati Debbarma has seen many ups and downs. Although she has enjoyed every phase of her public life she does admit that getting herself elected to the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC) was no cakewalk. This year, the 40-something leader has been chosen to represent Kulai-Champahour (ST) constituency for the third consecutive term but each time, she says, “one has to work hard, stay connected with the people and not take anything for granted”.

People’s issues, restrictive traditional practices and norms, economic hardships and a general atmosphere of conflict – years of activism have enabled Madhumati to closely understand the harsh realities on the ground. Even before she joined politics, as the member of the All India Mahila Sangathan she was actively involved in initiatives focused on empowering women in tribal areas, especially devising programmes to help them acquire income generation skills. Nonetheless, she is convinced that only her foray into mainstream politics has given her the constitutional authority to bring about real change. “One can always work for the betterment of society either as a social worker or an activist. Yet, becoming an elected leader has given me the power to do much more for my people and positively influence policy-making, which has a long term impact,” she points out.

At present, the TTAADC has three women on the 30-member body – 28 elected and two nominated – which is by no means adequate representation. In fact, of a total of 175 candidates that jumped into the fray just 10 were women. And therein lies the reality of women’s grassroots leadership not just in Tripura but in the region. Whereas women are at the forefront of activism and even come out in large numbers to vote they are conspicuous by their absence from political office.

In the tribal dominated northeastern states, there are parallel governance structures – the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) administer the tribal areas while the panchayats govern the non tribal stretches. Of course, though the ADCs were conceptualised to decentralise power, uphold the interests of tribal people and safeguard their culture, there has been no move so far to initiate reservation for women in these bodies. Consequently, for leaders like Madhumati, who aspire to wield power on the hitherto male dominated ADCs, the challenges are many. From convincing the party to give a ticket to contest to motivating voters, prevalent patriarchal mindsets often come in the way. This negative outlook has, of course, not deterred those who are committed towards the welfare and rights of their people.

Take Sandhya Rani Chakma, who has been able to overcome the hurdles to take up a place on the TTAADC for a third consecutive term from Chakma Karamchhara (ST) constituency. Rather than talk about the problems she has encountered, as “problems are a part of any job and like anyone else I too have faced them”, this dedicated Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader is more inclined to present a hopeful picture. She believes that women’s participation in local self-government in her state is encouraging as “women are keen to work for their community”. Many a time, this can-do spirit does not get channelized into full participation in the political arena, though through her personal example Sandhya has been trying to strongly make a case for the same.

The experienced leader first forayed into politics during her college days as an active member of the Student Federation of India (SFI), besides being a part of the Tripura Tribal Student Union. In addition, whenever she had the time she would keenly involve herself in CPI (M)’s party work. Such an approach won her the confidence of her party colleagues and her name was proposed for the list of candidates for the Council. “I have been in the political sphere for over a decade now and I truly believe that more women need to be in politics. As elected members of the government we can do more work, assist people effectively and have a widespread impact. My work is a testimony to this,” she says proudly.

Both Madhumati and Sandhya are not just colleagues in the TTAADC but are associated with the same political party. The duo is totally sold on woman power and recommends reservations and a greater involvement in party workings. Currently, gram sabhas (village councils) that do not fall in the TTAADC area have 33 per cent reservation for women though it is not extended to the district council. To encourage women candidates Sandhya calls for extending support “institutionally, as if that happens then many more will come forward to contest elections”. Madhumati observes that political parties, too, need to “provide more space and opportunity” to them by nominating more women as candidates, “This has been a constant demand from our end. We are always trying to ensure more nominations for women.”

These opinions are echoed by Madhumati and Sandhya’s counterpart in the Manipur (Hill Area) Autonomous District Council, Hatthing Doungel. Ask this two-time elected member how her political career has shaped up so far and she will relay mixed feelings. She says, “In my first term I was only learning the ropes of governance. This time around I have a clear agenda for development and I know exactly how to go about fulfilling it.”

The circumstances in Manipur have been quite complicated because of its long history of violence and underground insurgent activity. The 2015 election was perhaps the first time since 1972, when the state was formally founded, that adult franchise was exercised in true spirit at the grassroots. In the earlier years the election process had been completely neglected quite like the state of development. Even today officially there is no count of the total number of women candidates that contested for the 136-odd seats spread over six ADCs in the six tribal hill districts. Each council comprises 24 elected members and two nominated members. Only three women, including Doungel, have been winners out of around 10 female candidates (unofficial sources).

Where the women ADC members like Madhumati, Sandhya and Doungel speak the language of development and naturally have women’s welfare central to their agenda what they require is a fair chance to do their job and the support of their party.

Women's Feature Service
July 2015
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